Ten years ago, when Germany was disarmed and Russia was particularly fearful of France and her allies in Central and South-Eastern Europe, the Russian Government cultivated friendly relations with Germany and Italy. In line with this policy, the Communist Parties all over the world were ordered to denounce the Versailles Treaty, seek the break-up of the British Empire and hold up Great Britain, America and France and her allies as the enemies of peace and democracy.
The Russian policy changed with the recovery of German armed strength. Russia joined the League of Nations and sought alliances with France, Czechoslovakia and Great Britain. A corresponding change had to take place in the policy of the Communist Parties, and they proceeded to eat their own words and preach all of the doctrines they had formerly derided. The League of Nations, instead of being to them a League of Britain and France to hold the spoils of the last war, became overnight the only bulwark of peace and democracy. The Lenin of 1918 would have poured scorn on the puerile arguments the Communists now put forward.
The extent of the gulf between the old and the new Communist doctrines can be measured by comparing the present attitude with that contained in “The Struggle Against War," published by the Communist Party of Great Britain ten years ago. (It is undated, but reveals its date of publication by the opening words: “Ten years after the world war.")
On page 31 it deals with the “numerous oppressed nationalities and national minorities existing in a number of the States in Europe, set up by the Versailles Treaty." It denounces Poland and Rumania, who “cruelly oppress with a bloody hand the White Russian and Ukrainian and Bessarabian populations in their territories," and goes on as follows : —
In Czechoslovakia and in the Balkan countries, in Italy in France, Spain, Belgium and Great Britain (Ireland) there are also oppressed nationalities. The Communist Party will support the liberation movement of the oppressed nations and national minorities in all these countries, lead them in the revolutionary struggle against Imperialism and unreservedly champion their right to self-determination, which must include the right to complete separation.
But in 1938 Russia had treaties with Czechoslovakia and Rumania and France, and any Communist who dared to champion the right of their minorities to separation would have found himself in trouble, denounced as a Fascist.
Then there is the question of the cunning way in which capitalist governments lure their workers into supporting wars. In 1928 it was a fundamental task of the loyal Communist to expose the “sophistries and catchwords by which the bourgeoisie and Social-Democracy try to justify war" (page 14). The Communists were to expose the slogan of “national defence,” and, above all, the workers must be warned against the trick of pretending that the war is a war against Fascism. The pamphlet goes on: —
In the last Imperialist war, the Allies made use of the slogan, “Fight Against Prussian Militarism," while the Central Powers used the slogan “Fight Against Tsarism”; both sides using the respective slogans to mobilise the masses for the war. In a future war between Italy and France, or Yugo Slavia, the same purpose will be served by the slogan “ Fight Against Reactionary Fascism," for the Bourgeoisie in the latter countries will take advantage of the anti-Fascist sentiments of the masses of the people to justify Imperialist war.
The paragraph ends with the remark that “The Communist Parties have hitherto paid insufficient attention to the duty of refuting these sophistries.”
Pity the poor Communist who kept his pamphlet by him and dutifully tried to pay more attention to refuting them.
How the Churchills and Edens must laugh when they see the Communists walking right into the trap against which, ten years ago, they were warning other people.
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