Truth will out (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

"The Socialist Party of Great Britain enters the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labour or avowedly capitalist.”

Under the present social system wealth takes the form of articles produced for sale; markets must be found for these goods and sources of raw materials for their manufacture.

The State exists to preserve this social set-up; abroad, government policy must protect trade routes, extend markets and find sources of raw materials; at home, the policies pursued must rationalise industry, strive to lower costs to allow the national capitalist class to compete with the capitalists abroad and maintain a high enough rate of profit to attract investors. The party holding the reins of government must pursue these policies if capitalism is to function.

The minor disagreements separating the various parties of capitalism centre around the extent the State should intervene in industry and which section of the capitalist class should bear the greatest burden of taxation. These are questions of interest to the capitalist class. It is not worth while for the working class to waste their time with them.

But the capitalist parties must seek the support of the working class, so the parties out of power blame the party in power for the existing conditions. They say the economic conditions are the result of the government's policy. But as has been shown the policies are the result of the economic conditions of capitalism. Adherents of these parties use all forms of abuse to discredit their opponents, but sometimes they let the cat out of the bag, like the editorial of the Observer, writing of the need to dispel certain beliefs held by American critics of aid to Britain:—

“The first belief—and for political reasons this has been given great prominence in our own press—is that all Britain’s economic ills are the result of misconceived and ill-timed Socialist policies. Conservative speakers here often make this charge—thus providing our critics in America with useful ammunition—but there is little substance in it.

“So far, the Government's only legislative acts which can be regarded as distinctively Socialist are its experiments in nationalisation. These may not have been conspicuously successful, but it is nonsense to suggest that they have had any marked effect on the country’s dollar earning capacity. Indeed, if the coal industry, for example, had not been nationalised, the country might well be in an even worse plight. The plan for nationalising the steel industry is, we believe, mistaken, and if it is put into practice it may do great harm. But at present it is only a plan; the steel industry is thriving under private enterprise.

“The rest of the Government’s policies, right or wrong, have not been distinctively Socialist. The Welfare State is supported by all parties; and the Conservatives are indeed promising, rather rashly, to extend its benefits in certain respects if they are returned to power after the election.”—(August 21st, 1949.)

The writer is confusing Socialism with nationalisation, but the implication is that whichever party had power similar policies would be maintained. The party in power must, like the crew of a sailing boat which fixes its sails according to the wind, adjust its policies to the economic need of capitalism.

Capitalism can only function in the interests of the capitalistic class, the interests of the working class lie in its abolition. The only alternative is Socialism, and there can be only one Socialist party in one country. Other so-called "Socialist" parties say their object is the same but their method of achieving it different, but you can't separate the means from the end; the means cannot be separated from the end. Their aim is not Socialism at all.

J. T.