Tuesday, February 20, 2018

Advantages of Production Solely For Use

The following piece, written by the late Pieter Lawrence, is the tenth chapter of his 2006 work, 'Practical Socialism - Its Principles and Methods'.

Chapter 10

Advantages of Production Solely For Use

Change in the Social Form of Labour
It is important to refer to production in socialism as being “solely” for use.   This is for the obvious reason that in all societies, be they bread, bricks or bombs, things are produced for a use of one kind or another. But in the market system, commodities are also produced for sale. Goods for sale have a twin identity in that they exist in both an economic and useful form. The same is true of the labour that produces them.  In employment, the wide range of different skills have one thing in common, they have economic value. Labour as a commodity is bought and sold on the labour markets. In the production, distribution and consumption of commodities the ability of consumers to use goods depends upon their ability to first pay for them. This is because the primary motive of capitalist production is profit and the accumulation of capital. In socialism this profit motive would not exist with the result that goods would be produced “solely for use.”

Capitalist production begins with investment of capital in labour, factories, plant, machinery and materials: goods are then worked up and sold on to the place of final assembly.  Of all the values involved in commodity production the value of labour has the unique ability to create values over and above its own value.   This is the source of surplus value from which profit is derived and which is realised through sales.   The realisation of surplus value through sales allows for capital to be accumulated.  This accumulation of capital is then available for re-circulation after further investment in production. As a consequence the use of labour remains locked into a circular economic system.  

In a socialist society the present two fold character of labour, that is, its combined useful and economic form will be dissolved.   In capitalism, labour, in its economic form is activated by a prospect of sales/profits:  in a socialist system, only labour in its useful form would be activated solely by needs.  This requires that the present economic relationship of capital and wage labour be replaced by a direct relationship of cooperation between the producers themselves.
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Communities in socialism, having democratically decided their needs both in terms of quantity and quality, within the limits of practicality, would be free organise production in line with their decisions. Labour will find its freedom outside the present enclosed, circular system of exchange. All the advantages of production solely for use will flow from this liberation of labour. In Socialism, resources of labour and materials will at last be freely applied in whatever ways the community may decide.

Greater Use of Production Methods
In any society there are absolute limits to production.  However, the limitations on production in a capitalist system are not generally caused by lack of labour or material resources, nor by any practical problems of production. Limitations on production are mainly due to economic not practical causes. The use of labour is a means to an economic end and is not therefore simply a source of wealth production. Capitalism is not a rational system for the production, distribution and use of goods, it is primarily a system for making profit and accumulating capital and both these depend ultimately on market capacity for sales.  It is market capacity that determines the distribution of goods and this determines the structure of production.  It also places economic limits on the selection and use of production methods.  Without these crippling constraints communities in socialism would be free to make much greater use of production methods.

We have already established that with  the redundancy of  useless occupations,  the availability of the once unemployed, the social inclusion of the culturally deprived and the bringing to well-being of millions of undernourished and demoralised people, Socialism would be able to at least double the numbers of people available for the production of useful wealth.   As well as this, what are the prospects for increasing the productivity of labour and making greater use of production methods.

The rate of productivity is easily exaggerated.  For example, a company may invest in technology which displaces some of its workers. If this results in half the number of workers in that work place it might be assumed that productivity has been increased by 100%.  In fact, the capital values of the new technology represent the labour of workers in other sectors of industry and in allowing for this the figure of 100% has to be reduced.

For example, there are far fewer workers employed in British agriculture today compared with 100 years ago but outputs have increased. But increases in the productivity of agricultural labour cannot be calculated from a simple comparison between the numbers of workers employed on farms and output. Agriculture has become capital intensive and as well as machinery, inputs such as fertilizers, pesticides, etc., have increased. This has resulted in changes in the structure of the work force whereby labour in the manufacturing and chemical sectors has been brought into agriculture. When these factors are taken into account, the real gains in productivity are far lower than is apparent.  What we can say is that there are some factors which limit productivity in Capitalism which would not be present in a socialist system.

In capitalism, the work place, especially in industry and manufacture, is a scene of rival interests which may be sometimes quiescent but is often a battle ground. As part of the wage labour/capital relationship working people are not in direct cooperation with each other, they work within a relationship of economic exchange of wages for labour time.  Inherent in this exchange is the determination of employers to extract as much output from workers as possible.  On the other side of the division working people strive to gain as much payment whilst limiting output.   This often breaks out into open industrial strife with, over time, countless millions of work days lost through strike action.  This is a further feature of waste that subtracts from the overall productivity of labour.

Conflicting interests can also result in a range of subtly organised restrictive practices with workers limiting their output to implicitly agreed productive norms.  This can sometimes involve a subterfuge of wasted time. A worker new to an established work situation learns from the existing practice what the appropriate intensity of labour should be and is soon able to conform.  So, from the workers there is a tendency to reduce work effort whilst from the employers side there is a constant pressure to increase it.  Automated machinery may be designed to prevent workers deciding their pace of work. The relative strengths of each side may be altered by movements in the trade cycle.  In times of high unemployment the position of workers is weakened.  

From time to time companies are compelled to set up new production methods or introduce labour saving machinery.  This causes some workers to lose their jobs.   Having invested in a production process a company would prefer things to stay as they are at least until they have used up their costs of machinery, plant etc., in the production of new values which have been realised through sales as profits. If, in the inter-play of competition, a similar company producing for a similar market sets up a more efficient process whereby they can be cheaper but just as profitable the first enterprise is faced with the choice of either reducing their prices in line and making less profit, or writing off their existing investments and  investing in a different process.

A new process might involve a higher initial investment in new machinery, and whilst there may be gains in terms of a reduced work force, the ¬workers may not be willing to go; this raises the prospect of dislocation through more industrial strife. In the long run there may be little that workers can do to keep their jobs, nevertheless, these conflicts intensify the atmosphere of worker disaffection and cynicism which pervades the work process. This practice of wage labour is in sharp contrast to the spirit in which people could cooperate with each other in a work place where the work is in their direct interests, is under their control and unrelated to any economic time factor.

Company decisions on investment programmes are made against projections of market sales which are inherently unpredictable. Inevitably, market capacity fluctuates with the trade cycle. In times of deep recession, not just labour but transport, plant and machinery fall idle in every sector of production. In many cases the capital values of machinery are written off through bankruptcy. Idle or written off machinery represents labour congealed in useful capacity that has not been used. These are further examples of waste which subtract from the overall productiveness of labour in a market system.

Whatever figure is given for increased productivity of labour it is one that is reduced by economic limitations on the community’s powers of production.  These are mainly the inability of the capitalist system to freely adapt and apply productive technique, the limits of market capacity and the limits of capital investment.   Other dislocating effects may be strike action or other forms of worker resistance to any re-organisation of production and the adoption of new methods.

Productive Technique
For most of history working methods have depended on the use of hand tools. The industrial revolution introduced machinery and new means of energy. In the late nineteenth century this led to conveyor belt systems and eventually to automation and robots. Machinery works up the component parts of goods: conveyor belt systems provide for hand assembly as a repetitive process: automated systems can both work up component parts and assemble, but are dedicated to specialised operations: robot systems are a further development of automation. Standardised, electronically controlled robots can be adapted to a range of different automated processes.

There are generally three ways of increasing production: 1 - increas¬ing the intensity of production: 2 – increasing the time of output: 3 - reorganising the work process with labour saving methods. A socialist system would be free to set up manufacturing processes which could combine these ways of increasing production simultaneously.

With a community working in cooperation and with a direct relationship of work activity to needs, people in socialism could set up automated methods of manufacture that could produce goods whilst minimising labour. The use of programmable robots adapted to different operations means that these could also be produced in quantity. This suggests the technical possibility that automated systems of manufacture which would be flexible in use could themselves be produced where extra means of production are required. These automated systems, using programmable robots would provide for high volume, quality production, around the clock.

Thus, intensity of production plus optimum production times, adding up to high productivity would be realised through these methods. When these technical factors are taken together with the increased numbers of people who will become available for useful production, the range of skills included in these numbers; when it is considered that the setting up of these systems will be free from industrial strife and the constraints of capital investment; that their intensity and duration of use will be free from the limits of market capacities, and when it is further considered that such means  of production could be set up in a most economical way and  without duplication, it can be seen that a socialist system could combine enormously increased powers of production.

This is not to suggest that the aims of a socialist society would be concerned solely with the production of more and more consumer goods.  On the contrary, we may anticipate that very different values will shape the quality of life in socialism.  However, in its early days its great productive advantages would need to be applied to world problems.  It is for this purpose that the liberation of labour resources would be important.

Wider Selection of Production Methods
Having emphasised that labour resources and productivity could be increased in socialism; it is also true that production methods would not necessarily depend on being the most labour efficient.  Market pressure to minimise labour time in order to keep down costs and gain competitive edge could give way to other, more socially desirable reasons for deciding methods of production.

The concept of needs is not solely about material things.  The quality of work itself is an important human need.   Care of the environment and conservation are also important needs.  After the exploitation of the earth by the ruthless economic forces of capitalism it is vital that we pay full attention to the care of our 'home in space'. Safety and animal welfare are also criteria which would influence the selection of production methods. All these criteria would be different in operation to the main reasons for selecting production methods in a capitalist system; these are methods which require least inputs of labour in relation to maximum outputs and cheapness.

At present, under the pressure of competition and exploit¬ation, manufacture is broken down into a few repetitive movements aimed at maximising output whilst regimenting the work force.  Socialism would avoid this. The release of pollutants into the atmosphere may be part of the cheapest way of converting fossil fuels into electricity, but Socialism would not continue this. Socialism would not need to take the risks involved in the construction and use of fast breeder nuclear reactors. The cruelty of confining animals in the dark in cramped spaces may be part of the most 'efficient' method of converting cereal inputs into animal protein, but Socialism would not do it.

Communities in socialism would be free to select production methods that would be concerned with quality of life and would express values different to those which see consumption as life’s sole objective.  It is true that socialist society will face a considerable task in raising the living standards of  many people,  but a sole emphasis on material  'abundance' can borrow too much from the values of ‘consumerism'.  Socialism would need to exercise great care in the ways in which it could use its vastly increased powers of production. 

Conservation Production
The change from capitalism to socialism will bring a change in productive relationships from wage working to cooperation. In turn this will bring a change in the relationship of society to nature.  These go together.  Capitalism is not sim¬ply based on the economic exploitation of labour; it exploits anything in nature it can get its hands on. This means that before society can control its impact on the natural world it must first have social control over its own actions.   Before society can organise itself in harmony with natural systems, society must first be able to co-operate within itself.

As human beings we are, of course, a part of nature, but we tend also to view nature as something separate from ourselves in that it provides us with our means of life.  We may see land, seas, forests, river valleys and deserts as beautiful, spectacular landscapes and we may also be aware that they contain useful resources such as coal, oil, natural gas, various metals such as iron ore, copper, tin and many other materials.  In a capitalist system such natural wealth, like labour and useful goods, also exists in an economic form.

Land can be a useful resource for the produc¬tion of food but in the eyes of agribusiness, land is a capital asset to be used for profit.  Timber, oil or mining companies do not view forests, oil reserves or iron ore deposits simply as useful features of the natural environment. Companies view them as things to be exploited for private money gain.

As capitalism has spread across the world to become the dominant world system, almost the entire planet has come to exist in an economic form in which labour works on natural resources for the profits of companies.  We see this now in the growth of multi-national corporations.  This exploitation of the natural world is driven by markets and the pursuit of profit in ways that cannot be democratically, or even rationally, controlled.

The consequences are well known but we seem powerless to stop them.  Every year millions of tonnes of sulphur dioxide are released into the atmosphere; radioactivity is increased; land is saturated with industrial chemicals; forests are destroyed whilst deserts are created and seas are polluted.  We live with a real danger that natural systems such as those of the biosphere are being damaged on a scale which threatens their self recovery.  These are the vital systems on which human life depends. 

Care of the environment is not primarily a technical problem. Our destructive use of the planet is caused by the motives, limitations and economic relationships of the capitalist system. By freeing labour from its economic exploitation by capital, socialism will also free the natural world   from this same exploitation. With people cooperating to produce directly for needs a socialist system would be free to use methods which could ensure care of the environment. The fact that such methods might involve the use of more labour will not mat-ter. Socialism will have an abundance of labour and will not be constrained by the profit motive and competition to use the least amounts of labour in production. The aim would be to organise produc¬tion in ways which would minimise any negative affects on the environment.

Socialism would have no difficulty in adopting a practice which is impossible under capitalism. This would be the practice of "conservation production". In a socialist system we could protect the balance of natural systems and would also con¬serve natural materials. The profit motive involves a plundering of natural re¬sources against a background of market pressure to constantly renew capac¬ity for sales. Cheap, shoddy articles and "throw-away" goods involve a mas¬sive loss of materials. Design for "built in obsolescence" is deliberately aimed at a short time of use. The rotting hulks of million of cars and other consump¬tion goods are the ugly evidence of massive waste. No sane society would burn millions of tonnes of oil and coal in power stations without considering the alternative technology which already exists to produce electricity.

Socialism could avoid the loss and destruction of resources. Production facilities could be designed and produced in a way which would be conserve materials. Such design could aim at a minimum of wearing parts, which, with simple maintenance, could be easily replaced.  The parts not subject to wear could be made from durable materials, and if for some reason equipment or goods became redundant, these would be available for other uses. The materials lost from wear¬ing parts would be a small fraction of the total materials in use. This practice of conservation production would mean that once materials became socially available after extraction and processing, they would be permanently avail¬able for use in one form or another. A useful analogy is with gold. A small amount may be lost through accident, but because it is a precious metal most of the gold that has ever been mined throughout history still exists. For this reason it is said that gold mined by the early Egyptians is still in use.

Conservation production would mean the bringing into use of means of pro¬duction of all kinds, permanent installation and structures, durable consumer goods, all designed and produced to last for a long time and, even when redundant, capable of being re-cycled for other uses. In this way, materials would be available as a lasting resource.


The World as One Productive Unit
Whilst we, as humanity, remain divided by rival capitalist states, it is be impossible to organise our use of the world in careful and sensitive ways that would be in the mutual interests of all people.  Instead, we have economic exploitation, waste, war and destruction.   Although we mostly think of the market system in terms of private corporations or state enterprises, it is also true that each nation is a “national business.”   A national economy must do its budgeting and keep its accounts as an autonomous trading nation. Governments must maintain national security.  This is the protection and enforcement of national interests both within the state and between states.  Externally, national security involves diplomacy, negotiated agreements and the formation of alliances which in turn can be backed up by networks of spies and where necessary the threat or use of armed force. The strategic aim is the ability to trade at the best advantage.

As caretakers of national economic strategy, governments aim to promote national advantage whilst reducing vulnerability.   For example, energy supply is of vital concern to all governments but the world distribution of energy sources, oil, gas, coal etc., is uneven between nations. One reason why the Middle East has been an ongoing theatre of war for many years is that it holds the world’s biggest reserves of oil.   In the past, with the Suez Canal, it was also a vital trade route. 

At the time of writing the war in Iraq is over its oil resources.   In the past Britain was the strongest power involved in Middle East conflicts, a position now held by America with Britain a junior partner.   During the build up to the invasion of Iraq, countries such as France and Germany opposed the actions of Britain and America but not for any moral reasons.  The Governments of France and Germany foresaw a situation where America and to a lesser extent Britain, would enjoy the great advantage of control over the world’s second largest oil reserves.

The solution is to replace corporate or state ownership for money gain with common ownership by all people. Instead of nation states all people could be part of a world held in common.   This would bring the great advantage of being able to organise the world as one productive unit. Being united around a common interest people in socialism could organise and develop their productive activity in relation to the natural advantages of the earth in whatever appropriate geographical location and with a use of production methods which safeguard the world environment. 

Without national barriers it would be possible to use large scale production in appropriate areas to make available world stocks of materials for manufacture, basic foods such as cereals and world energy supply. From this basis of world production, smaller scale diversified production could be carried on throughout regional and local communities in line with local work preferences and local needs.

In these circumstances instead of rival nations fighting over oil reserves, as mentioned, the production of energy could be co-ordinated by a specialised world agency working as part of the United Nations Organisation.  The long term objective could be to achieve sufficient world energy supplies from ecologically benign sources.   The possibility of a world organised as one productive unit adds to the wide range of advantages that people in socialism would enjoy.  

With the world shared between all people an early priority would be to remove the differences that at present exist throughout the various regions.  In practical terms this would require a concentration of world activity in favour of those regions where poor facilities for local production, storage, transport, irrigation, energy supply, communications, buildings and services such as medical care, etc., would need to be improved. This would call upon the efforts of people in the more developed regions.

It might be asked, “Why should someone in a more developed community in Britain, America or France, work without money incentive, to provide equipment and machinery for people in less developed regions?”   The candid answer is – self interest!  This is not to deny the abundant evidence there is  that we can gain satisfaction and pleasure from helping people in need but the added reason why we all have an interest in cooperating with others is that the benefits are mutual.  Up to a point, the more people producing and the greater range of skills that are used, increases not only productivity of labour but also the range of products that can be produced. Stranded on a desert island, on our own, we would be reduced to surviving on the barest necessities. Since stone age times, our increased powers of production have depended on our diversity of skills.

In the wheat belt of South West Australia a farmer might be supplying cereals for distribution throughout the world.  It is likely that the eventual consumers of this wheat will never know the identity of the person who helped produce it. This does not matter.  The farmer would do his job in the knowledge that in distant locations others were working to supply not just  the whole range of foods  he enjoys but also the  refrigerator, television, computer, hi fi system, etc., that make his life style possible. In socialism our participation in a world wide division of labour would involve us in much more than technical factors of production, it would include us in the work of a true world community.

Strategy for Development 
For some years there has been growing concern over the impact of human activity on the world environment.  This is felt in the scientific community where, for example, the evidence for global warming is gathering strength.   Concern is also expressed by ecology groups and the parties that make up the green movement.  There has been pressure to reduce carbon emissions but across the world, these pollutants have increased.   The various international conferences at Rio, Kyoto and The Hague have failed to make progress and in some cases have broken down in acrimony and disagreement.  

To repeat an important point, any idea that problems of pollution are technical problems is wrong.    Although The Hague Conference of 2000 was attended by hundreds of technical experts, the main arguments about what can or cannot be done were about money and costs. The arguments were about the strategies of the participating states in defence of their economic interests.  This was reported in The Economist (Nov 18 2000)   “… the big oil producing countries are, in a flight of fancy, demanding compensation for the harm they will suffer from lost oil sales;  they are trying to block the Kyoto process as a conspiracy to damage their economies.”

The Kyoto accord of 1997 was, on the face of it, an agreement amongst the developed nations to cut the release of greenhouse gases by 5% below 1990 levels by 2008/12.   Since then most countries have increased their pollutants and in America these have soared.   The parties to the Kyoto accord also,  “… agreed that cutting emissions might be so expensive that the treaty should allow countries innovative, flexible approaches to reduce compliance costs.”   It was language such as “innovative, flexible approaches,” that was described as evasive, and even a “con trick.”   It was the difficulties arising from the economics of the problem that made the Kyoto, Rio and The Hague conferences incompetent to deal with it.

The Green Movement blames reckless governments and the rapaciousness of multi national corporations for world pollution.   Whilst there is truth in what they say to concentrate on this argument is to evade the more basic cause.   Built into the market system is an irresistible pressure to constantly renew its capacity for sales.   Any significant increase in energy costs could risk disturbing the fragile balance of costs, sales, profits and employment.  This could pitch an economy into recession with the further risk of deeper slump. For example, a similar conference on global pollution held in London in 1993 had broken down for exactly these reasons.   Since the 1980’s the government in Britain had been under strong pressure from Scandinavian countries, which were afflicted by “acid rain”, to reduce carbon emissions from its power stations by 30%.   One way to achieve this would have been to install flue gas desulphurisation equipment to coal burning power stations.   The reduction of 30% sulphur emissions would have cost £1bn. In the 1980’s the British Government was struggling to get out of a deep recession in which there were at times over 4 million unemployed.  It was not in a position to add £1bn to its energy costs.   A “Green Government” would have faced the same difficulties.  In refusing to sign up to the Kyoto Accord, President Bush said that his first priority was to “save American jobs.”

In demonising oil companies, other multinational corporations and reckless governments the Green movement appears not to appreciate the depth of the problem.   This is also indicated by its insistence that market economies should level out into a “zero growth” mode.  It is possible that zero growth may be a desirable aim but to suggest that it could be achieved by a market economy ignores its basic drive to constantly renew its market capacity for sales.  However, a state of zero growth would be possible in a socialist society.

This is not to predict the future, nor to anticipate any policy decisions that would be made in socialism.   The point is to simply set out what would be practical and possible, given all the advantages that a system of cooperation and production directly for needs would be able to work with.  What we can envisage is a strategy of development aimed at zero growth that could be achieved in possibly three stages.

1 Emergency action to stop people dying of malnutrition and disease.  This could be an initial        period of growth beginning from a position of scarcity and focussed on food production, health services and relief of desperate conditions of poverty.

2 Having achieved this first objective, using the methods of conservation production, communities in socialism could create durable production facilities and public utilities that would be available for use for a long time.   Even with the removal of waste and the adaptation of the sectors of industry and manufacture at present used for arms production it is likely that new means of production would have to be set up.   Probably the biggest task would be to create the means of producing the materials for housing and the services and infrastructures to go with it. A further priority would be to increase agricultural machinery and all means of increasing food production.   These projects would include agriculture, housing, a safe world energy system, and infrastructures such as irrigation schemes, sewage and drainage, clean water, roads, bridges, transport, com¬munications systems, leisure facilities, etc.

3 The achievement of stage 2 would call for a high peak of initial activity but when sufficient  means of production, together with a safe world energy system and infrastructures are in place  they would be available for use for a long time and would not need to be constantly produced.   With maintenance, well built houses and such structures as bridges will last for hundreds of years.   This means that after they have been brought into use total production could fall.






A state of zero growth would be a position where communities need only concern themselves with the day to day production of goods for consumption, particularly those such as food which have a limited shelf life. Also necessary would be the running of services and maintenance.   In socialism the achievement of zero growth would mean stable levels of production for stable levels of consumption using production facilities which would be in use for long periods.

This outline of a possible way forward to a state of zero growth assumes that people would be content with a constant level of sufficient consumption; that production facilities would not be subject to constant innovation, and that population numbers would not go on increasing.

The projects necessary to get to a state of zero growth would call for both world cooperation and world organisation, particularly in the supply of information, planning and decision-mak-ing.  It follows that when accomplished, not only would production levels fall but the need for information, planning and decision-making would also be reduced.  This anticipates that centres of organisation at the world and regional levels, could give way to more locally organised production   for the work of providing for daily needs, the running of services and maintenance.

What is possible here is a self-regulating society with work activity in balance with daily needs and in balance with the environment. What this could mean is that providing for the necessities of daily life would be more under local con¬trol involving less allocations of social labour. This could create vigorous communities  with wide scope for individual development and diversity of expression.

Past discussions about the methods of production that Socialism would use have centred on simple and somewhat unrealistic preferences for either high technology or hand craft methods. In fact, a socialist system could combine a diversity of methods. Where necessary and appropriate, high technology methods involving labour diffused throughout world production could be combined with more simple local production.  This could include the use of local hand craft methods for making clothes, furniture and the supply of local food for local consumption where this might be a chosen life style

Would a sensible society, conscious of its need to limit productive activity and keep it in balance with care of the environment, really want to continually develop new production facilities?  How much of the innovation that goes on represents real gain, and how much of it is part of changes in fashion to do with consumerist values and attempts by corporations and their advertisers to increase sales?  We can surely assume that people in socialism would not go on and on with the increased production of goods and services for the sake of it. This would be a self-imposed treadmill. Would a socialist system really want to follow the example of capitalism where life’s objectives are focussed on the acquisition and consumption of material things?  It will of course be important that needs are satisfied but the concept of needs will no longer be based on the idea that increased happiness comes with increased consumption and possessions.   Such an illusion, expressing the consumerist values of a market system could give way to a responsible, self determined appraisal of needs which would reflect the enjoyment of more meaningful community relationships. 
Pieter Lawrence

Link to Chapter 11.



Monday, February 19, 2018

Philip Snowden, M.P. (1910)

Philip Snowden
From the November 1910 issue of the Socialist Standard

Mr. Philip Snowden. M.P., has, we understand, sailed for a three-months' trip to the United States and Canada, chiefly with the idea of forming a Labour Party in the latter country. As we should not like our Canadian fellow-workers to fall into Mr. Snowden's trap we give the following details of his political career.

Mr. Snowden, as most people are aware, is a strong opponent of the “drink traffic." In common with most temperance fanatics, his language — as the following quotation shows — is almost puerile in its violence and intemperance. At a meeting of the Bradford Band of Hope Union he said:
  If we had not a drink-sodden democracy we should have an intelligent democracy; and an intelligent democracy would very soon solve its industrial and social problems. (Yorkshire Observer, March 10, '09.)
The absurdity of the lying statement which serves to express Mr. Snowden’s contempt for the class on whose backs he has climbed to his present eminence, is only equalled by the gratuitous insult offered to the very men he is, as Labour 1LP., ostensibly representing.

Mr. Snowden in 1908 appeared to have a touching faith in the good intentions of the leader of the Liberal party. Writing in the Christian Commonwealth in December of that year he said:
   There is nothing of the hypocrite in Asquith. He never prevaricates, as most of his ministers do, to escape from declaring the fulness of an unpopular truth . . . I do not believe there is a more honest man in politics today than the present Prime Minister. 
Does Mr. Snowden still think there is no hypocrisy, no prevaricating on the part of Asquith over the "Lords" question? Perhaps, however, there is more underlying this fulsome flattery than meets the eye. It will be remembered how John Burns defended the action of Asquith in using the military to shoot down the miners at Featherstone, and how he was subsequently rewarded for this and other services rendered to the Liberal party with a seat in the Cabinet. Mr. Snowden, taking a leaf out of Burns' book, has also defended the methods adopted by the Liberals at Featherstone and Belfast. Writing in the Sheffield Guardian, Aug. 23, '07 he said :
   Therefore, in any case, in the Belfast case for instance, the employment of the military must be justified on the circumstances of the case . .  . There is one lesson of this tragic affair which the workers should learn. We are hearing from some quarters the usual violent denunciation of the Government and the capitalists as murderers. Mr. Birrell is being put in the same chamber of horrors as Mr. Asquith, who happened to be the Home Secretary at the time of the Featherstone riots. The Labour and Socialist movement has got beyond such wild, irresponsible talk as this.
The last General Election gives irrefutable evidence of the same devious methods on the part of the member for Blackburn. The following was written by him a few months previous to the election.
   The action of the Labour Party in Parliament on the Budget has not tended to mark off that party as something essentially distinct from the Liberal Party. Unless the Labour Party has a distinct point of view on all public questions, unless it can show that it is anxious to go further than, or in a different way to, the Liberals, there is no reason for its existence as a separate party. (Christian Commonwealth, November 3, 1909).
This extract, taken in conjunction with the following item relating to the election at Blackburn, condemns both Snowden and the Labour Party out of his own mouth.
   On Jan 4th Mr. Snowden and Sir Thomas Barclay (the Liberal candidate) addressed a great anti-Lords demonstration, two halls being used simultaneously, the speakers crossing over from one to the other. At this demonstration  Mr. Bond, president of the trades council, ‘appealed to the electors of Blackburn to send two Progressives to Parliament” (see Northern Daily Telegraph, 5. 1.10.)
On other occasions (sec Blackburn Weekly Telegraph, 8.1.10, Mr. Snowden urged that the second vote be given to Sir Thomas Barclay, and he boasted in the Labour Leader of 21.1.10. that the advice had been "generally followed" and had resulted in 11,238 "splits" between himself and the Liberal.

Snowden's snobbish appeal for special treatment for imprisoned suffragists on the ground that they were middle class women may be cited finally as showing how anti working class he is.

Reflections on the Cotton Lock-out. (1910)

From the December 1910 issue of the Socialist Standard

The cotton lock-out has been ‘‘settled," accompanied by the tedious Te Deums of our sycophantic clergy, the benedictions of our prosperous trade union organisers, and the “we are glad both sides are reasonable” sermons of our Liberal newspapers. To-day every strike and lock-out gives clear proof of the bankruptcy of trade unionism, of its utter inability to permanently raise the standard of the workers’ existence. In Lancashire the big unions are monsters of indifference, organisations bossed by mediocre bureaucrats, with a rank and file taking little interest in the working of the union, save when the mill “breaks down,” and they become entitled to a few week’s "break-down pay.”

Some of these unions resemble the mediaeval guilds; jobs are handed down from father to son ; it is sure that one must possess family influence, either lineal or collateral, to be able to enter the union and learn the trade. At their best these unions are looked upon as attempts to preserve the status quo to try to preserve, if possible, even the present "heavy and varied condition of the operatives' breakfast table.”

The boisterous crowds whom we read of as patrolling the streets of Oldham during the first day of the lock-out were not enthused and noisily happy because of a coming fight on some vital question with their bosses, but simply because they were confident of the "give and take” policy of their leaders bringing the lock-out to a speedy end.

Their leaders! What an array of altruistic capacity passes before our vision when we think of the men who “led” the workers during the lock-out! Working-men J.P.s ! Is there anywhere such another anomaly ? In Lancashire they flourish abundantly. These leaders conceive it to be their duty to punish the small, petty, found-out thieves who are the natural product of capitalism. "Justice of the Peace” is almost a synonym for "labour leader" in Lancashire. If the workers put their trust in such mental small fry, what wonder that their condition shows no sign of alleviation!

In the Manchester Guardian of Oct. 5 1908, referring to meeting of "Oddfellows” at Nelson, Mr. Shackleton's constituency, that gentleman in the course of speech is thus reported:
  “Alluding to the presence on the platform of Mr. Wilkinson Hartley, chairman of the Nelson Cotton Manufacturers Association, Mr. Shackleton said that he and Mr. Hartley had often met before, and had had some tough battles. That night they could shake hands and welcome each other as brothers desirous of furthering a great movement. As long as they could get on with men like Mr. Hartley, there was security for the peace and well-being of Lancashire, and its principle trade might be carried on to the best advantage of the community.”
In the same paper of Dec. 28, 1908 a photograph was published of Mr. Shackleton occupying the position of chairman at a meeting of the Labour Co-partnership Association, with Mr. A. J. Balfour and Sir. C. Furness on his right and Mr. Henry Vivian and similar "men of thought who waged contention with their times decay” on his left. One understands Mr. P. Snowden’s remark, in a speech to his constituents during the lock-out, that "He had followed this dispute, and he could not call to mind any form of industrial dispute in which one side had showed a disposition to be reasonable, to compromise and to make sacrifices in order to avoid a stoppage of work to the extent that the operative leaders had.” (Manchester Guardian, 10.4.10.)

The results obtainable from the capers of these leaders of the Lancashire operatives are manifested in that speech of Mr. Snowden’s. Continued penury exists in spite of Labour M.P.’s teetotal sermonising; an inability to improve their economic position to even the least extent is inevitable when the workers’ leaders fraternise with their enemies the bosses on so-called neutral platforms, and truckle and accept defeat when any dispute is in "progress.” Strange that a Socialist platform never becomes a "neutral ” one !

Let the labour leaders learn from a bourgeois historian. "The warfare of capital and labour in England has been more prolonged than any other historical struggle. Dynastic wars, wars of religion, wars on behalf of balance of power, wars for supremacy in commerce have been waged in Europe for lengthened periods. But none has been so lasting as that between employer and labourer. The history of the contest is to be extracted from the Statute Book in laws long since repealed or modified, or become obsolete.” (Prof. T. Rogers, “ Economic Interpretation of History". Vol. 1.. p 23)

After such an admission by a Liberal of the type of Thorold Rogers we reach the limits of inanity when it is seriously contended that our labour leaders are on the road to Socialism! There is no class struggle! say those gentlemen. Well then, we may ask. what has your class fraternity led to but the tighter grip of the capitalist on the means of life?

Other lines of thought are stimulated by this lock-out. Our "Industrial Unionist" friends seem to expert miraculous results from a “unified” working class bound together in a few large trade unions. I ask, what if these unions continue to be collared by leaders whose only qualification is their safe mediocrity and the extraordinary vitality of their tongues? What if the working class is still non-Socialist ? Given a non-Socialist proletariat we can bind them, or they can bind themselves, into either a dozen large unions or a thousand miniature ones, but the leaders would still be Shackletons, Snowdens and Gills, and the promised land would still be afar off, for not even Industrial Unionism can make bricks without straw, or create the Socialist Commonwealth without Socialists.
John A. Dawson

Sunday, February 18, 2018

Waste and Destruction

The following piece, written by the late Pieter Lawrence, is the ninth chapter of his 2006 work, 'Practical Socialism - Its Principles and Methods'.

Chapter 9

Waste and Destruction

In comparing the capitalist system with the ways that production could operate in socialism we find that whilst the free market system sees itself as being most efficient it is in fact hideously wasteful.  Yet, in socialism, whilst efficiency would not be a primary concern, communities would be able to apply their productive resources to the needs of people in a most economical way.

Over a century ago, Karl Marx drew attention to the wasteful use of labour.  In a passage that also predicted how it would develop he said, “The capitalist mode of production, while on the one hand, enforcing economy in each individual business, on the other hand, begets, by its anarchical system of competition, the most outrageous squandering of labour power and of the social means of production, not to mention the creation of a vast number of employments, at present indispensable, but in themselves superfluous.” (Capital, Vol 1, Part V, Ch XV11-1V).

This was an early indication of the extent to which the capitalist system diverts possibly half or more of its labour resources into jobs that are socially useless and in the case of the military, lethally destructive. To set this in perspective we must keep in mind a clear view of the basic object which motivates and sustains world capitalism.  It does sustain life but not all the time and certainly not in every country.  Many millions die of disease, starvation and in war and civil strife.  But regardless of the degree to which the capitalist system succeeds or fails in providing for our needs, this is not its primary purpose.  It is primarily a system of profit and capital accumulation. It is these objectives that set its wheels in motion. This is demonstrated by the fact that regardless of human needs, when no profit is made, production shuts down. It is in two sectors of the capitalist economy where most waste is generated:   these are in the financial organisation of the markets and secondly, in the state machine, particularly the armed forces and arms production.

We have a simple test as to whether on not a particular job provides for needs. This is based on a concept of ‘real needs.’  It could be said that the subject of “needs” is problematical, that it is both relative and subjective to the extent that it defies a definition that can apply sensibly to all people.  But we can take a practical, reasonable and general view of what we mean by “needs”.   This would define needs in a modern context in relation to our great social problems that we need to solve and a secure material basis for preferred life styles.   In this view we can argue that  “real needs” include good quality foods, clothes which are a pleasure to wear, a comfortable home with heating and good services, etc.  It could also include entertainment, books, art, health and education, leisure, mobility and communications. 

So one test of a useful job is whether it contributes directly to any of these needs or whether it is only necessary to operate markets, or perhaps the military or arms production. For example, does an accountant provide for needs? Accountants spend their lives calculating profit and loss, preparing accounts, income tax returns, etc. Accountancy is certainly necessary for administering the economics of the market system but otherwise it contributes nothing to the material or cultural well being of our lives. In this sense, the work of accountancy is socially useless. 

Bank workers do not contribute to real needs. In their work they spend the day counting out money or transferring totals from one column to another. This work arises from the servicing of bank accounts, the lending and borrowing of money for investment and purchasing, and so on, and therefore the work is inextricably bound up with the day to day operation of the money/market system and profit. It is not necessary for the production of goods and the running of services for needs. In fact, as a part of the market system the work of banking functions as an economic barrier between useful production and human needs.

Statisticians, systems analysts and computer programmers present them¬selves as being useful and. undoubtedly Socialism would require these skills, but at present one use of information systems by companies is to monitor the cash values of their stocks in relation to continuing inflation and exchange rates.  Printers might present themselves as being useful and again, this is a skill which Social¬ism would require, but much of the present paperwork, including millions of documents concerning invoicing, taxation, the law, insurance, the administration of the dole system would be unnecessary in a socialist system.

Waste In A Big City – London.
The distribution of occupations in London is a further indication of the extent of wasted labour. In March 2002 Ken Livingstone, world famous Londoner and Mayor, issued his document Planning for London’s Growth.  The document shows population trends and changes in London’s pattern of employment since the 1970s.  It also projects these to the year 2016.  It appears that London is going to get even bigger.  “The Capital’s population, which fell to 6.8 million in the 1980s but is now above 7.4 million, is projected to exceed 8.1 million by 2016.”  Having absorbed numbers equal to Sheffield during the 1990’s London is set to grow by the equivalent of the population of Leeds.

And what jobs will all these people be doing?  London’s problems should indicate where the work will be concentrated.  On housing the document says that London has “… some of Europe’s worst slums less than a mile from a central financial district that is the richest region in the continent”.  “A disturbingly large number of London’s homes are unfit for people who will be expected to contribute to an expanding economy of new employment opportunities.”  “It has become impossible for people on average incomes to afford homes in many parts of the capital.”

On health, “The number of patients treated within one hour in London’s accident and emergency services is the lowest in the country.”  “Life expectancy for men in East London is among the lowest in the country.”

On poverty, “Child poverty rates in London, after housing costs, are 43 per cent, by far the highest in the UK.”  “Income distribution between the wealthiest and poorest households is far more polarised in London than elsewhere.”

Much of this echoes the Strategic Planning Advice For London issued in 1988 by the then London Planning Advisory Committee.  For example, on housing, it said, “About one million households have insufficient income to house themselves satisfactorily.”  So, it appears that between 1988 and 2002 very little had changed.

If meeting people’s needs were the aim of our society we would have expected a forecast of massive expansion of building and construction jobs so that poor housing could become homes fit for people to live in.  Curiously the number of people in construction is forecast to reduce from 211,000 to 160,000 between now and 2016.  There should surely have been a forecast too of more jobs in health services.  The document lumps health and education together and shows a modest increase of 50,000.   But as a proportion of the extra numbers of population by 2016 this is not significant.

The document does anticipate more jobs but not in anything to do with real needs.  Mostly these will be in Business and Financial Services which are forecast to increase by almost 500,000.  And what will these people do?  They will be part of the Stock Exchange, the offices of the Bank of England; they will be in the Money Markets, Clearing Banks, Overseas Banks, Merchant Banks, Discount Houses and the Insurance Companies.  They will be in the commodity markets and export and import merchants.   They will be in the growth of the Government machine.

This will be a modern example of  “ .. the creation of a vast number of employments, at present indispensable, but in themselves superfluous.” Marx himself became a Londoner but it is doubtful if he could have imagined the number of people now concentrated in London as a great accumulation of wasted labour.  As highly trained people, workers in financial services often command high incomes, occupy buildings and devour useful services such as transport and energy supplies.  By 2016 the number of people in Business and Financial Services in London is forecast to be 1,865,000. In a society organised solely for needs these almost 2 million people would be immediately redundant and therefore available for socially useful jobs.

A Picture of National Waste
From “National Statistics – Labour Market Trends 2003, Stationary Office,” in the UK we had a total of 29.5ml jobs.  A breakdown of this total indicates the number of jobs that would be unnecessary in a society organised solely to provide for needs.

It is apparent that the numbers of jobs contributing to our real needs was as follows:-

Agriculture               409,000
Energy and Water                 212,000
Manufacturing            3,800,000
Construction                      1,893,000
Transport and 
Communications               1,802,000
Public Administration       1,410,000
Education                     2,144,000           
Health and Social 
Work                    2,724,000
                         14,394,000


Socially useless jobs:-

Finance & Business
Services             5,696,000



From these figures we might conclude that perhaps about 1 in 3 of all jobs exist only to administer the market system and therefore do not contribute to the real needs of the community. This would be wrong.   In fact the number is much greater.   Waste of labour extends throughout the structure of production to parts which may appear to be socially useful but which in fact only contribute to waste.
  
For example jobs in transport may present themselves as being useful but when we consider what transport is used for we find that to a large extent it is socially unnecessary and is therefore a waste.   During World War II, to relieve pressure on an overworked transport system, numerous posters asked the question, “Is you journey really necessary?” This question could equally apply now to the countless millions of daily journeys by train, bus and car, from suburbs to every city centre.   In London and throughout the country, many of the 5½ million people with jobs in finance, insurance and banking, etc., are commuters travelling to work by train.  At the same time, throughout cities, cars and buses carrying people to useless occupations are stuck in traffic jams with vehicles coughing out a poisonous mix of gases whilst power stations generating the electricity for millions of useless train journeys do the same. From the available statistics it is very difficult to tease out the number of people in transport that are socially useful and therefore necessary.   It is evident that in a socialist system the existing transport system would be re-organised whilst much of it would become redundant. 

Some jobs under the heading of “Public Administration” are useful but many would disappear.  For example departments such as Inland Revenue and Customs would no longer be necessary, nor would the thousands of workers distributing doles, social security payments and housing benefits, etc.

Similarly, the 3.8ml jobs in manufacturing present themselves as being useful but here again, not all of these provide for real needs.  The millions of people in buying, selling and financial services use buildings, equipment, computer hardware and communications systems all of which represent a waste of manufacturing and energy resources.

From any social standpoint the category of “unemployed” is particularly bizarre.   These are people who could be making a useful contribution not just in their own interests but for the benefit of their communities.  They are prevented from doing so, generally, because there is no prospect of profit in employing them. The numbers fluctuate with the movement of the trade cycle.   Over the ten years from 1992 – 2001 the numbers of unemployed fell from almost 2.8 million to 1.42 million.   In 2002 it rose to 1.52 million.

The “opportunity cost” of these lost work days is incalculable.  Over the ten years 1993 – 2002 the average number of unemployed per annum was 2,065,000 people.  This means that every week over 10 million work days were lost; every year 500 million and over the ten years, 5 billion work days lost.  Given that the unemployed represent a broad range of skills we can only imagine what the output could have been over ten years from these 2 million workers.  Inevitably, as a consequence of the constraints of the market system, unemployment will continue with year on year additions to the number of work days lost.  Seen over past decades and anticipated into the future this represents a vast accumulation of wasted labour.

Throughout the world millions of undernourished people are incapable of sustaining work activity.  In 200/1 The UN Food and Agricultural Organisation recorded 820 million seriously undernourished people (living on a daily intake of 1,600 calories or less).  This world wide trap of poverty not only denies them the basic necessities of life, they are also denied the means of self development through education and access to skills.  This accounts for a further almost billion people who in a socialist society would be able to make a contribution to their communities.

The Military 
Nothing demonstrates the destructive waste of the capitalist system more than the work of vast numbers of people in the arms industries and in the armed forces.  On a world scale many millions of people are involved both directly and indirectly in war machines. As well as the numbers in the armed services every branch of industry, manufacture, communications and transport has been used to mine and process every kind of material for the production of the missiles,  fighter aircraft, bombers, warships, tanks, lorries, guns, bombs, shells, bullets and much more, all of which make up the military in capitalist states.   Increasingly, the military uses the most advanced technology.  We face the prospect of more and more capitalist states holding nuclear weapons. 

In 2000/1, the U.K. spent £25billion on Defence.  But this was not only on armed forces and their civilian staffs. Part of the Defence Budget was also distributed to energy, industry, manufacture, and transport for the production of armaments.  This included coal, coke, oil, gas, electricity, chemicals, steel, engineering and electrical, ship¬building and marine engineering and construction, etc.
This is yet a further example of jobs which may present themselves in the national labour statistics as being socially useful but which in fact are dedicated to producing the means of death and destruction. This means that for the year 2000/1, a significant number of the 3.9 million in manufacturing were not providing for real needs but were engaged with the military.

The Military of Six Nations
The “Financial Times World Desk 2003” gives figures for military budgets and numbers in armed forces for various nations.    For 68 nations from a world total of about 170 nations “World Desk” gives an approximate total of 15½ million men and women in the armed forces.

 For 6 leading nations the “World Desk” gives:-

                                                        Combined Army,              Budget                                                                                                                                                                     
                                                        Navy & Air Force

 United Kingdom                             211,430                            $40    billion
 France                                             258,600                            $34    billion
 Russia                                             677,000                            $58.8 billion
 China                                           2,270,000                            $41.2 billion
 India                                            1,263,000                            $14.5 billion
 USA                                            1,196,000                            $295  billion

                                                     5, 876,530                           $477.7 billion


These six nations have at their disposal over 42,000 main battle tanks, over 10,000 combat aircraft and over 1,159 war vessels.  In addition, each country has an arsenal of missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons. By far the largest share is held by the United States with 7,620 main battle tanks, 73 submarines, 12 aircraft carriers, 27 cruisers, 54 destroyers, 35 frigates, 21 patrol boats, 4,147 combat aircraft, hundreds of short to long range missiles plus 550 inter continental ballistic missiles armed with nuclear war heads.  This array of weaponry provides the strike power of over 1.2 million men and women in the US armed forces. 

In time of war the numbers in the armed forces are rapidly increased.  For example, “On August 31st 1939, the strength of the armed forces of the United Kingdom was 681,000 men.  Including reservists mobilised, a further 5,215,000 men were taken into the services between August 31st 1939 and June 30th 1945, making a total of 5,896,000 men (sic, including women) who served in the armed forces during the war.”  The peak number actually serving was 4,683,000 in June 1945.   “History of the Second World War: Casualties and Medical Statistics: UK Stationary Office 1972.”

At the same time the civilian population was mobilised for arms production. “The total number of those employed directly on munitions work rose from 1,150,000 in 1939 to 4,300,000 in 1944.”   “In all, the iron and steel industry produced and handled a grand total of 86,000,000 tons of steel during the war.”     “British War Production 1939 – 1945.  The Times.” 

Destruction.
In itself, the use of armed forces together with people in industry and manufacture for armaments production and the use of materials, represents a great waste but the purpose of war resources is to inflict death and destruction, which leads to further waste. This results in a socially insane circle of destruction which accumulates.  We shall never know how many people were killed as a result of war since the beginning of the 20th Century. With each contestant inflating their enemies numbers whilst minimising their own, official figures are unreliable. We can only be certain that the bare statistics indicate countless personal tragedies.   The deaths of every million blighted the lives of more millions who survived and went on to live with the loss.  For World War II, a consensus view is that about 50 million people were killed and these were about 20 million in the armed forces and 30 million civilian deaths.   In all wars since the beginning of the 20th Century it is likely that more than 75 million people were killed. 

War objectives include the destruction of industrial, chemical and manufacturing installations with their machinery and equipment.  Targets also include communications systems such as railways, roads, bridges, port facilities and telephone networks.  Following the development of the bomber, towns and cities became prime targets.  “It should be clear that the bomber was always a ‘terror’ weapon.   It was the ability of the bomber to fly over defence lines and reach centres of population that made the bomber threat so effective.   Claims that bombing could destroy the enemy’s industrial base are always cited to justify the use of bomber forces, and to a certain extent this claim is true; but it was the effect of bombing on civilians that gave the bomber threat its greatest potency.   Inspiring terror, causing massive destruction and killing civilians, was what the strategic bomber was for.”  “The Bomber War  - Robin Neillands.”

Those who can recall World War II may remember the long list of cities that were destroyed by shell fire and bombing.  As the Bomber Commands of the British and American Air Forces gathered strength, those living under the flight paths of the air routes to Germany will perhaps never forget the image of skies on moonlit nights made dark with bomber formations and the constant drone their engines as they left Southern England with their deadly loads. For those who did not live through it, the names of Plymouth, Coventry, Rotterdam, East London, Caen, Warsaw, Hamburg, Cologne, Berlin, Dresden, Leningrad and Stalingrad, are just some from the long list of cities recorded in war histories, their pages filled with photographs of stark ruins.   It is said that in the bomber campaign of the Vietnam War the American Air Force delivered even more high explosives than in World War II.

In a sane society these towns and cities together with power stations, industrial and manufacturing plants, bridges, railways, ports and communications networks would continue to serve out their useful lives for the benefit of communities.

The Capitalist System and the Cause of War.
It may be thought that the deaths and destruction brought about by war with its waste of labour and material resources should not be attributed to the capitalist system of production.   It is true that war pre-dates the capitalist system and has been waged throughout history but a common cause has been that wars both now and in the past arose mostly from competing material interests.  In the modern world these take a capitalist form.  What should be discounted is the view that the ideology of war, that is, the given moral reasons, provide a cause of war. For example, the war by Britain and America against Iraq was said to be for the removal of a dictator, Saddam Hussein, and the delivery of democracy to the Iraqi people. The ideology of war provides a justification for war and its propaganda but it is not a basic cause.  The main reason for the war in Iraq was to achieve a strategic economic objective; this was for America and Britain to gain control of the second biggest oil reserves in the world.  It is true that within this context of national economic rivalry the ideology of war has a potent power to become an aggravating factor, especially where war leaders believe their own propaganda, which for political reasons they tend to do.   

War happens in the modern world between rival capitalist states in pursuit of strategic economic objectives.  These include an ability to maintain trade from a position of strength, access to and control of important materials (such as oil), access to and control of important trade routes, the retention and expansion of economic and political spheres of influence. These objectives of war are an extension of the economic objectives of capitalist production, which are to maintain a monopoly of ownership and control of the production process and an ability to trade, as a basis for the accumulation of capital.   Therefore, because modern war is inherent in the national economic rivalries of the capitalist system, it can be rightly said to represent a vast waste of human and material resources, together with bringing about unimaginable misery and suffering.   This waste and destruction would not happen in a system in which all humanity shared a common interest in co-operating to produce for their mutual needs. In a world socialist system, the oil reserves of Iraq, together with the material assets of the entire planet would be for the benefit of all people. 

Social productivity.
The truth behind the image of efficiency projected by the ideologues of the profit system is that it is a miserable, chaotic and destructive mess.  In each business, to keep down costs, there is of course a constant pressure to produce goods and services using minimum labour and this may tend towards business efficiency.   But from a wider, social point of view, that is, the ability of society as a whole to apply its resources of labour and the natural assets of the planet directly to our material and cultural needs, the market system is chronically inefficient.   It was well said that it results in “…  the most outrageous squandering of labour power and of the social means of production, not to mention the creation of a vast number of employments, at present indispensable, but in themselves superfluous.”   It is for these reasons that a socialist system would be able to approximately double the number of people able to make a useful contribution to society.
Pieter Lawrence



Information, Planning and Decision Making

The following piece, written by the late Pieter Lawrence, is the eighth chapter of his 2006 work, 'Practical Socialism - Its Principles and Methods'.

Chapter 8

Information, Planning and Decision Making

Whilst the self regulating basis of production and distribution so far outlined may be adequate for an established structure of production, it could not provide for any large scale development. Expansion would require the work of information, planning and decision making. 

It remains a permanent feature of the capitalist system that its structure of production is inadequate to supply the needs of all people.  Agriculture, mining, energy,  industrial and manufacturing organisation, construction and distribution systems are all limited in their productive capacity to what the market will bear as sales of goods.  The present evidence is that on a world scale, productive capacity in relation to total human needs is decreasing.   I repeat the example that in 1975, approximately 435 million people were seriously malnourished; by 2000 this number had increased to 820 million (FAO).  Similarly with housing; over the past 25 years the numbers of people existing in shanty towns, slums and sub-standard housing has greatly increased. But even the world production system that does exist is distorted by waste, allocates vast resources of labour and advanced technology to armaments and sophisticated death machines and creates more and more socially useless jobs such as those in finance and banking.   

The great projects that communities in socialism would need to undertake would involve a rapid expansion of all useful parts of production.  Practicality would require this to be carried out in some order of priority. Its aims would be achieved in stages, first doing what was manageable, monitoring the progress made and then taking further steps. Such a strategy would provide an overall direction for day to day action in all countries as part of world wide co-operation.

Planning of large-scale development would begin with information. As an open society there would be a great contrast between the supply of information in a socialist system compared with the industrial secrecy of rival corporations in capitalism, which is supported by state secrecy with its networks of spies. In socialism there could be no trade or state protection of information on production methods, technology, design, disposition of production units or use and stocks of materials. For example, there could be no corporate or state monopoly of  “strategic materials” such as scarce metals.  With all parts of world production sharing a common purpose, there would be no difficulty in making information available through a decentralised world information system. Such an information system would be easily within the capability of existing technology.  Information technology cannot achieve its full potential for the benefit of all people except in a socialist world.

We can anticipate that in socialism, industrial and manufacturing organisation would be structured in an economical way throughout the world, regional and local scales. This would be partly determined by distribution of population and such natural factors as the world distribution of resources. Mining and processing of raw materials such as metals, chemicals, oil and coal and some basic agricultural products, particularly cereals, could be organised as a world resource with its products distributed to regions.

Once processed, materials would be supplied to regions for manufacture of component parts and final assembly of goods; these regional units could serve the needs of regional populations. At the smallest scale the supply of some needs would take place within the local community, as for example, local food production for local consumption.

Such a structure of world, regional and local production could operate together with a decentralised information system.  On the smallest scale, a local information centre, could collect statistics on the position of stocks, productive capacity, use of materials, energy etc. By collating these local statistics, regional information centres would be in a position to know the complete picture of demand and supply within a region. On the largest scale, a world information centre could collate regional statistics in a similar manner. This would present a mapping of world production.  It would be achieved by an integrated but de-centralised information system, providing any combination of information people may require on any local, regional and world scale.

There have in fact been previous attempts to produce a comprehensive mapping of an economy on a national scale. We can recall the work of W.W. Leontief which was published in the l950/60’s as “Input-Output Economics”. This was defined as, "Concerning a new method which can portray both an entire economy and its fine structure by plotting the production of each industry against its consumption from every other." Leontiff worked with statistics on the US economy and produced a table showing the exchange of goods and services for the year 1947.

One aim of Leontiff’s work was to use input/output analysis to indicate disproportionality.  (This is the recurring problem of the market system where over-expansion of one sector of production in relation to other sectors leads to a pile up of goods surplus to market capacity.  Such disproportionality can lead to cut backs in a sector which may have knock on effects throughout an economy, sometimes leading to general recession.)  Leontiff argued that if such disproportion was indicated by input/output analysis steps could be taken to keep the steady expansion of the economy in even balance, thus avoiding the problems of the trade cycle.   (A good account of Leontiff’s work can be seen in the “Scientific American”, October l951, April 1965 and April 1966.)

This part of the work on input/output analysis was irrelevant to how a socialist system could work because disproportionality would not be a problem. If one sector over expanded in relation to other sectors this would be adjusted without the devastating effects of a market system recession.  In fact there could be circumstances in which it could be desirable to go in for intense production runs of components, etc., which would be surplus to immediate requirements and then stock pile them for use over a period. This could suit the work practices of people in socialism without in any way disrupting general production. In socialism it would not be necessary to maintain production in even balance.

The methods that Leontiff had to use were so slow they almost defeated the object of the work. This is what he said. “. . . the construction of an input/output table is a highly complex and laborious operation. The first step, and one that has little appeal to the theoretical imagination, is the gathering and ordering of an immense volume of quantitive information. Given the inevitable lag between the accumulation and collation of data for any given year, the input/output table will always be an historical document." 

It might be argued that if Leontiff had been able to work with modern information technology he could have been more successful.  There may be some truth in this; however, he also hit up against a different problem which was more intractable. Even equipped with computer power his reliance on Government statistics, drawn partly from tax returns, would always result in a time lag between the actual position of production and consumption and the publication of his tables.  Also corporate secrecy rules out any possibility of immediate and direct public access to the state of production and consumption. An added difficulty was that Leontiff worked within a single national economy, albeit a large one, the United States.   Even so, modern production is world production with events in one national economy having repercussions in other national economies.  This means that even where Leontiff was able to produce a retrospective mapping of a single economy, in the context of world production, it was of very little use.

Nevertheless, although the work of Leontiff may now seem naïve and perhaps doomed to failure, its general aim was useful.  Perhaps like other such useful ideas, it could best be practised only in a socialist society.  We could look again at the work of Leontiff with a view to seeing what part a mapping of production could play in planning any significant expansion of production.

An up to the minute mapping of world production, broken down into its various regional and local parts could be maintained though the work of a decentralised information system. To begin the work of housing the world’s population in decent conditions our proposals should anticipate a large scale expansion of building and construction, part of which is the glass industry.  We noted that a unit producing flat glass uses at least eight basic materials as follows, silica sand, soda ash, limestone, magnesium oxide, aluminium oxide, potassium, so3 and iron oxide. In an open society producing glass directly for needs, a glass works could post its figures on orders, current output, stocks and required materials to its local and regional information centres. At the same time units supplying the materials for glass manufacture would post their figures on to the same centres.  In combination these related statistics would give an up to the minute view of the state of glass production and stocks throughout a region. With regional figures posted on to a world information centre it follows that the state of glass production throughout the world would be known.

With the same procedure practised by every main branch of mining, industry, manufacture, transport and energy supply, the total state of world production would be readily known. This is not to suggest that every kind of production activity would need to be added to the list of statistics. For example, with food production, it is likely that most local food production for local needs would not be relevant.  A probable exception here is regional cereal production which is already collated and recorded by the International Wheat Council. As a basic foodstuff, cereal production would need to be co-ordinated on a world scale.  With information on current production being fed into local, regional and world information centres, it would mean that although dispersed amongst the many thousands of production units, the overall state of the most important parts of total production would be readily known. 

This could provide an overview of world production and stocks with cross section or horizontal views, that is, of production as it is dispersed throughout the various regions and localities.  It could also provide vertical or sequential views of production from mining of raw materials, to processing, through worked up components in manufacture and industry, then to final assembly and distribution. It could also include statistics on resources such transport and energy supplies. From this pool of statistical information there would be no difficulty in extrapolating any particular input relative to output, for example, how much energy y is used for the production of a tonne of steel.

This would be a statistical, input/output mapping of the production system but it would not be drawn up by a central bureaucracy. It would be kept up to date by producers themselves in the de-centralised manner described. It should also be emphasised that the function of such a world information system would be to assist the various production initiatives that may be taken by local or regional communities. It could not replace the self-regulating mechanisms on which the operation of the whole production system must continue to depend. Its important function would be to supply data, indicating how some parts of production should be expanded in response to needs. Information would therefore be an aid to planning and decision making enabling any particular expansion to be undertaken in a balanced way, that is, in proportion with other lines of expansion according to the priorities of policy.  

We anticipate that in the early stages of socialism planning will be concerned with world wide initiatives to increase food production, housing and the construction of a safe world energy system. . However, with an increased demand for building materials, resources would first need to be allocated to creating the means of producing them. Building materials are produced throughout the entire structure of production which means that any large scale increase in their supply would first be an input into industry and manufacture.   Accordingly, planning offices in the various world, regional and local spheres of organisation could have the job of presenting specific proposals for development in agriculture, mining, industry, manufacture, transport, communications, energy supply, etc.

In line with the principles of democratic organisation, such planning offices would work within the policies decided by the wider community.  There is nothing inherently wrong in many of the present local procedures for planning and decision making. For smaller scale development, planning proposals could be placed before councils. For some proposals, perhaps the siting and construction of a new factory or workshop, or the use of land for housing, sports facilities or any other purpose,  councils could be delegated the responsibility of making a decision. The practice of delegating various responsibilities is one which would operate within a wider framework of democratic checks. These could include local or regional polls in, perhaps, controversial cases.

For informed decisions on large scale development, councils or parliament could have the option of setting up a public planning enquiry.  Such enquiries are already in use, but the decisions arising from their reports and recommendations are mostly made by a government minister. It is unlikely that this could be an acceptable practice. The functions of ministries should be technical and administrative and more directly accountable to the wider community through parliament. Public enquiries in socialism concerned with large scale development would assemble information on the widest possible basis from every relevant or interested source. This would involve priorities of need, required materials in relation to their world supply and reserves, technologies in relation to alternative technologies, siting, conservation, protection of the environment, available skills and so on. As with planning in general, the job of such enquiries would be technical and would not include decision making. Their work would be to collate information and issue a report, so that democratic decisions might be better informed.

Planning would extend to a world scale. It should be assumed that communities in socialism would inherit an uneven world distribution of production facilities. In these circumstances, communities in the more developed countries, as part of their world responsibilities, may want to respond to the needs of people in other, less developed regions. In these places, although people would be doing what they could through their own initiatives, it is likely that they would have urgent needs which they would be unable to provide for themselves. This would apply particularly to areas where farming methods are basic and over dependent on favourable weather. Also in areas where millions live in shantytowns.

For example, for every 1,000 hectares of arable land in Europe, up to recently, there were 60 available tractors and over 6 combine harvesters, while in Africa, for the same land area, there were only 2 tractors and 0.2 combine harvesters. In South America, where food production could be vastly increased through irrigation schemes, of the 108 million hectares of arable and permanent crop land in use, only about 6 million (5.5%) irrigated. Similarly in Africa, only 4% of the arable land was irrigated. With the much greater problem of housing, before large scale housing projects could begin, it would be necessary to construct the extra brick making facilities, cement and glass works, etc., for producing the materials. 

So, for needs such as food and housing, and to assist with greater self sufficiency of local production in all places, initially, the regional centres of developed industry and manufacture would be called upon to supply machinery, installations and storage facilities, etc., to assist with such projects as irrigation schemes and housing development in these areas. Also, there is likely to be an urgent need for the setting up or improving of services and infrastructures such as those needed for health, transport and communications. This would also be part of inter-regional co-operation.

To achieve this, a world planning office, assisted by specialised world bodies such as the Food and Agricultural Organisation, and working with data provided by a world information system, could present proposals for inter-regional co-operation, through a world council.  This, as suggested, could be an adapted form of the United Nations Organisation. As now, but with its procedures thoroughly democratised, it would comprise delegates from every country and region, and would have direct links through its own administrative bodies with every kind of regional organisation.

Nor would inter-regional co-operation in socialism arise solely from uneven development inherited from the capitalist system. A safe world energy system would be necessary, treating the planet as a single resource and as a common environment for all people. The use of natural materials would also be a matter of world concern. Inter-supply of some foods would continue to take place between the tropical and temperate regions. For a varied diet of good quality food, this would be in the interests of all people. Therefore, inter-regional co-operation and development would be a necessary feature of world organisation. A strategy for the solution of problems could be achieved through supply of information, planning, democratic decision making and finally the actions of people across the world, co-operating in a common world interest.
Pieter Lawrence