Thursday, October 15, 2026

Letter: Non-market, revolutionary socialism (1987)

Letter to the editors from the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist 

Non-market, revolutionary socialism

As a frequent reader during the past twenty years of the Socialist Standard and the Western Socialist when it was being published, I welcome the World Socialist as an international publication for non-market, revolutionary socialists and a much needed weapon in the struggle of the international working class against the international ruling class. I especially want to commend you for the quality of the articles and the attractive format.

The single feature that I feel may limit its effectiveness is the last paragraph in your "Declaration of Principles": "That as political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interest of all sections of the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party."

If by "party seeking working class emancipation" you mean only those national parties listed on the inside front cover, then the "principle" seems not only untrue but also rather jingoistic — a sort of narrow party patriotism. For certainly you must know that there are other groups that hold a vision of the future society that differs only superficially from yours.

During most of the time I was reading your publications I was a member of the American Socialist Labor Party. Certainly I didn't feel hostile to the WSP and the SPGB, nor is the SLP the expression of class interests hostile to the emancipation of the working class. And the same can be said for many other parties and groups, which you — and I for that matter — may feel have most deplorable errors in their views on the value of participating in elections or the way society will be organized but who stand with us in their vision of a classless, stateless, moneyless future society.

All this is not meant as a plea for unity among such groups and parties. I think our differences are far too great for us to live together comfortably in the same organizational household. We come from very disparate traditions of socialist thought — syndicalist, council communist, anarchist, revolutionary industrial unionist. But what we can do is find out something about the programs and positions of other "third force" socialist, as they might be called. Perhaps we will learn something. And more important, we will save our hostility for those who deserve it: the Leninist and social democratic perverters of socialism who, given the chance, would lead our class into a new slavery.

Readers who are interested in a forum for "third force" socialists that currently features an ongoing debate/discussion involving supporters of World Socialist can obtain a free sample copy of the Discussion Bulletin along with subscription information from P.O. Box 15 64, Grand Rapids, MI 49501, USA.
Yours for World Socialism, 
Frank Girard
 
 
Reply
We appreciate Frank Girard's support for The World Socialist and endorse his aim of making possible debate and discussion between those who stand for a classless, stateless, moneyless society.

When the Socialist Party of Great Britain was formed in 1904 it accepted as members only those who adhered to revolutionary socialist principles. To have entertained in its ranks other workers, perhaps agreeing with some of our principles but not others, would have had the effect of possibly swelling our ranks, but certainly eliminating the unity which has allowed us to survive as a movement. All of the parties of the World Socialist Movement accept a common set of principles, all are dedicated solely to the achievement of the clearly-defined socialist objective and therefore all members within the ranks of our movement are equals, bound together by class consciousness as well as class interest As early as 1904 the Socialist Party of Great Britain recognised that there were other workers outside its ranks who shared its vision of socialism; you have only to look over the early issues of the Socialist Standard to observe that we made no claim, as a numerically very small party existing in one country, to monopolise socialist knowledge. In retrospect we can see that the early years of the century did witness the emergence of a number of working-class groups and tendencies — some of which are listed by Girard — which shared an outlook very close to our own. That is not to say that there were not sharp differences of principle concerning certain important points: for example, the syndicalist and anarchist rejection of the crucial necessity for democratic political action by a class-conscious working class or the fallacious acceptance by the industrial unionists of the SLP of socialism in one country or the scheme to allocate consumer goods using labour vouchers, thus negating the concept of a society without exchange or money. These principled differences separated workers into different organisations, although it was often the case that the differences were mainly over how to achieve socialism or details concerning the working of the new system. In short, in the early years there was a good deal of consensus within a body of workers broader than the parties adhering to the Declaration of Principles as to what socialism meant; means rather than the end divided us.

In 1914 the reformist (or social-democratic) parties were shown in their full anti-socialist colours as they lined up to support their masters in the butchery of imperialist war. 1914 proved to the small socialist movement which then existed the immense value of sticking to our principles. Of course, we were not alone in the world in opposing the war, but we were virtually so and it was quite clear that our differences with the so-called socialists who had claimed to be going our way in previous years were of fundamental significance. Then in 1917 the Bolshevik coup in Russia won converts to the illusory, state-capitalist ideology of Leninism: once again it became clear that our difference with the Leninists was not about means, but about the very objective of socialism. History vindicated our position of principled hostility, not only to the ideas of the open defenders of capitalism, (to the ideas, it must be emphasised, not to particular workers holding then) but to those of the phoney socialists who were nothing of the sort.

Frank Girard quite clearly agrees with us that socialists must be unequivocally opposed to the bogus socialists of the reformist and Leninist left-wing of capitalism. What he is suggesting is that a position now exists where there are workers outside of the world socialist movement who share our vision of socialism and should not be alienated from us by the expression of our hostility towards them. We accept that such people do exist — possibly far more than our limited knowledge of the development of ideas globally allows us to perceive. Quite obviously, the more workers there are worldwide who seek the establishment of socialism the better that is, for not until there is a majority of socialists will there be a socialist society. If such people who are outside the parties of the World Socialist Movement wish to disagree with us about the precise means of bringing socialism into being it is in our interest to discuss with them in an open-minded fashion, and there can be no question that, as we are not a sectarian movement, if others can come up with a better means of achieving socialism than we know about we are willing to learn from them.
Editorial Committee

Esperanto celebrates its centenary (1987)

From the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist 

This year world Esperantists are celebrating the centenary of what is generally regarded as the most successful of the international auxiliary languages, Esperanto.

The origin of the idea of a universal language goes a long way back in history. Indeed, one of the first suggestions made in this sphere came from old Homer himself who was, apparently, intrigued by the idea when he wrote that "Humans speak many tongues but the gods speak only one". Whether this thought was inspired by the biblical myth of the Tower of Babel, we do not know but apparently he assumed that if the Gods could divide and rule mankind by introducing a multiplicity of languages, then humans could reverse the process by introducing a single universal language.

Before Dr Zamenhof in Poland (in the part then under Russian domination) devised Esperanto in 1887 there had been a number of other advocates of introducing an artificial language, among whom had been St. Hildegarde, an 11th century abbess, the French philosopher Rene Descartes, Bishop Wilkins, brother-in-law of Oliver Cromwell, the German philosopher Leibnitz, Proudhon and the German Catholic priest, Monsignor Johann Schleyer, who had devised Volapukin 1880.

It was not long after the introduction of Esperanto that it displaced its competitors in the bid for acceptance as the universal world auxiliary language; it is now spoken even if only by small numbers in practically every part of the world.

Generally speaking, the main objective in the minds of the seekers for a universal tongue was to remove what, for them, were the underlying causes of conflict within the society in which they lived. The main stumbling blocks in the way of unanimity of thought and action were considered to be national antagonisms, religious differences and misunderstanding arising from the use of different languages.

Nationality is no fixed characteristic of human beings. Over the centuries nationalities have come and gone; they are no inborn attribute of human anatomy. A human-inspired nomenclature, "nations" have changed according to the particular "nation" which owned and governed a particular part of the globe. The natives of almost every part of the Earth have been swept aside by the marauding and plundering forces of other self-designated "nations". What were once nations have today been swept into the dustbin of history by the conquering hordes who wiped out their languages, customs and cultures.

Covington Hall summed up the position in his poem The Ways of Kings—Crowned and Uncrowned as follows:
If ye doubt it pause and listen, lift aside the veil of time, 
Where is Rome in her splendour, where is Athens the sublime? 
Where are all the Persian millions, where the proud Egyptian host? 
Tell me, doth Imperial Carthage still adorn the Afric Coast? 
Where the Empire of the Incas, where is Montezuma's throne? 
What is Spain and Spanish glory in a world once called her own? 
Where are India's mightly princes, where the Babylonian kings?
To which we might add, Where the mighty British Empire, the gigantic USA, the Russian Czarist thrones? Where are the former "nations" who people the many satellite countries of Russia and China and the former members of the now decadent British Empire which at no time had any lasting affection for most of the languages imposed upon them?

Today it matters not what color a person's skin is nor what "nation" they belong to as long as their ideas and actions fit into their master's interest exploiters have no such considerations as far as their slaves are concerned. The profit motive does not differentiate between black and white and, all other things being equal as far as the results are concerned, it matters not what language the wage slave speaks. Notwithstanding prejudice, ignorance and bigotry we find men and women of all colors and languages working side by side in the interests of the exploiters.

Religious differences have, over the centuries, been used to ruthlessly suppress people regardless of nationality. Artificial devices such as the rack, the thumbscrew and the fiery stake were used in accordance with the Christian ethic "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live". But there was nothing to do with language here where both the victims and the torturers spoke the same language.

Irrespective of language, ideas reflect the ethics of the particular rulers at any particular period. Furthermore, the ideas change as the interests of the rulers change; this applies particularly to the economic and national requirements. Even scientific ideas have been opposed when they did not fit in with the interests of the rulers.

As far as Esperanto goes socialists have no particular axe to grind against the language per se. Indeed, there are many socialists (including the present writer) who use Esperanto. It is not the language in itself that we disagree with. Where we differ is over the fantastic claims which the majority of Esperantists make for the language.

The facility of Esperanto makes it an ideal medium for propagating ideas. As far as we know, there is no trace of Zamenhof having suggested that it could be used as the medium for socialism. On the other hand, at the time he devised it very few people thought that it could or would be used to oppose socialist ideology. Yet almost since its inception the activities of the majority of Esperantists have been entirely inconsistent with socialism and in fact often hostile even to reformist movements.

Once the language began to make headway it did not take long for the various economic, political, semi-political, religious and other capitalist interests to muscle in. The scout movement has been using Esperanto for more than 80 years, instilling religion and jingoism into its young duped followers. It is used by police organisations, Rotary Clubs and various other anti-socialist outfits, with their in-built anti-working class ideologies. Even those professing to have what they call socialist tendencies like SAT (Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda - World Non-Nationality Association) and others fell for the anti-socialist bunk peddled by Lenin and Trotsky.

In Czarist Russia there were a fair number of enthusiastic Esperantists, some of whom were very active in the revolutionary movement. But almost as soon as the Bolsheviks seized power the official Esperantist section of the Communist Party began to weed out anyone who was not behind the government. It became so bad (many were liquidated) that, in their yearbooks from 1923 on, SAT instead of publishing its members' names used a cross. A number of my correspondents in Russia and later in Germany under Hitler began to break off. Even so many members of SAT supported the Russian dictatorship, although today there has been a bit of a change of attitude.

After Mao took over in China the Esperanto papers later followed the Russian example. The distortions of Marxism by the Bolsheviks was avidly swallowed by the Chinese Communist Party and thousands of Chairman Mao's Little Red Books were sold by all their pseudo-communist parties and fellow-travellers throughout the world. Since Mao's demise the Little Red Book of distorted Marxism has been relegated to the scrapheap by the new gang of distortionists who now rule the roost in so-called Red China. But we still have copies in Esperanto on the back shelves of the pro-China propaganda bookshops.

The acceptance of the ideas of these falsifiers of Marxism is a true indication of the fact that using an auxiliary language is no criterion of the views people hold. It is just as easy to gull people in any language if they do not understand the real meaning of the ideology which the words express.

As long as the majority of the working class do not understand in what direction their emancipation lies, they can be fooled and misled by their opportunist leaders who regard their blind followers as voting cattle. It is futile to say that these misleaders are sincere: sincerity is not the test of truth. The records of the Labor Parties, the avowed capitalist parties and even the lunatic asylums show that just because people "sincerely" believe in what they say or do is no indication that what they say or do is correct.

"The road to hell is paved with good intentions" says the saw, but intention without intelligence leads to reliance on false promises and wrong premises. If the majority of the members of the working class remain followers of those who do the thinking for them, they can become dupes in the struggle for emancipation. If people require "leaders" there is no guarantee against betrayal.

What is necessary is an understanding that the social system in which we live can only continue by the exploitation of the working class by whose labour alone the entire wealth of the system is produced, coupled with a clear understanding that we can get rid of this only by the socialist alternative, i.e., the abolition of capitalism.

The key to socialism is not, then, a universally-spoken language. Notwithstanding the variety of languages in existence today, it is not the lack of a universal language that keeps people apart; it is the lack of understanding of the cause and cure of their divisions. Even along Esperantists there is but a minority of socialists. As pointed out above, the overwhelming majority of Esperantists accept capitalism.

Does this mean that socialists should not accept Esperanto as a medium of propaganda? Of course not. We can use it as much as other people, just as we use English, German and many other languages in the struggle against capitalism. In fact there are quite a few Esperantists in the World Socialist Movement and leaflets setting out our point of view are available in Esperanto. We recommend to Esperantists that they write for copies.
Bill Clarke (Australia)


The case for socialism in esperanto
The following article first appeared in 1983 as an editorial in Socialisme Mondial, a French-language journal of the world socialist movement. It was then translated into Esperanto and published in the MayI/ June 1984 issue of Laute, an esperantist journal brought out in Laroque Timbaut, France. Entitled "Utopia or Chaos?", it sets out the basic case for the establishment of a world community based on common ownership and democratic control, to replace both private capitalism in the West and state capitalism in the East, as the only framework for the solution of the major problems currently facing humanity, and in particular that of war, war preparations and the threat of war.
Cu utopio au haoso?
Por aboli la militon, la militminacon kaj ciuspecajn armilarojn, endas, ke cio troviganta sur kaj en la Tero farigu komuna heredajo de la tuta homaro. Tiam la produktado okazos por la nura kontentigo de la homaj bezonoj, sed ne plu por la vendado kaj la profito, kaj tiam ekaplikigos la principo "de ciu lau siaj kapabloj, al ciu lau ties bezonoj". Alivorte, oni ne plu mezuros la kontribuon alportitan de ciu individuo al la produktado (kio cetere jam nunternpe ne eblas, tial ke la produktada laboro estas jam socialigita, t.e. kolektiva procezo), sed ciu plejeble kontribuos, kiel sili povos au volos, kaj povos libere disponi pri cio necesa por vivi, neniel pagante. Tiu ideo ne estis elpensajo nia, sed male revo tiel malnova kiel la homaro mem, ekde kiam malaperisla "prirnitiva komunismo".

La abolo de mono, nemerkata socio, jen kio estas komunismo, au socialismo, se oni volas, ne gravas la nomo, kvankam tiuj terminoj estis tiom fusuzitaj, ke foje oni emus ilin forlasi. Senmona socio (ne nur sen mono, kompreneble, sed ankau sen varoj, sen salajroj, sen profitoj, sen bankoj) estas logikajo, tial ke oni jam havas produktadon kolektivan kaj kapablan liveri abundecon por ciuj. Tia socio estus vere homa socio, en kiu la rilatoj starigus inter homoj, kaj ne inter vendistoj kaj acetantoj, dungistoj kaj salajruloj, registoj kaj regatoj, gvidistoj kaj gvidatoj.

Tian socion oni foje taksas utopio. Sed kial timi tiun terminon? Estas neniu solvo al la hodiauaj sociaj problemoj en la kadro de kapitalismo kaj endas do imagi diferencan socion, vere anstatauan solvon. Nedubeble, la alternativo estas: utopio au Raoso.

Estas vere, ke longtempe la socialismo estis nur bona ideo, ideala socio priskribita de verkistoj kiel Tomaso MORE, sen rilato kun la tiuepoka socia realeco. Tamen, de post la industria revolucio, la socialismo farigis reala eblajo, kaj tial, car la reala bazo de socialismo estas industrio kapabla liveri sufice da varoj kaj servoj kaj elimini la malricecon kaj mizeron cie en la mondo. Tiun punkton oni atingis komence de nia jarcento kun la tutmondigo de la produktado (kio tradukigis, sub kapitalismo, per imperiismo) kaj kun la elektrizado de la industrio. La tuta sekvanta progreso teknologia nur pli kaj pli ebligis la starigon de socialismo sur la materiala kampo.

Sed socialismo estas vere ne nur afero pri teknologio. Teknologio estas gia bazo, sed socialismo dependas ankau de la homa volo kaj ankau sur tiu kampo la kapitalismo kreis kondicojn favorajn al la starigo de socialismo, kreante tutan klason el homoj, kies intereso estas rearangi la socion en socialisman socion. Tiu klaso estas la salajrularo, la laborantaro, ciuj, kiuj hodiau estas devigataj vendi sian laborforton por vivi, t.e. pli ol 90% el la logantaro de la industriigintaj landoj. Iuj uzas la vortojn "laborista klaso", sed tiuj vortoj povas konfuzigi, fiar "laboristo" pensigas pri "manlaboristo", dum la manlaboristoj estas nur uriu parto el la salajrata klaso. La socialismo, komunismo, estas la intereso de ciu salajrulo, oficisto, instruisto, funkciulo ktp. . . Tial ni preferas la vortojn "salajrularo" au "laboranta klaso", kiuj perfekte klarigas la sencon de la socialisma rnesago: gi celas la grandan plimulton el la popolanaro kaj liveras al gi la nuran solvon al la diversaj problemoj, kiujn gi devas nun alfronti.

Sed tiun solvon la plimulto mem devas malkovri, kompreni, voli. Malnova principo asertas: "La emancipado de la laboristaro estos la faro de la laboristaro mem", kaj fakte la starigo de socialismo povos esti nur la konscia verko de konscia plimulto. Tio estas logika, pro la naturo mem de la socialisma socio, kiu estos sen altrudo, sen §tato, kaj do bazita sur memvola kunlaborado. Por starigi kaj funkciigi gin, endos do voli gin kaj kompreni ciujn giajn implicojn. Jen do la dua antaukondico: socialista plimulto, kiu volas socialismon kaj komprenas ciujn giajn implicojn.

El tiuj du kondicoj, sufice disvolvita produktada sistemo kaj socialista plimulto, jam de longe estas realigita la unua, dum la dua tute ne. Estas fakto, ke hodiau la plimulto ne volas socialismon, sed male akceptas kapitalismon (inkluzive de gia statkapitalisma formo rusia, cinia, ktp. . .). Kiel do atingi, ke plimulto deziru socialismon kaj tiel faru gin tuj atingebla?

Estontece, preskau certas, ke tiu ekkonsciigo okazos, car la geviroj estante raciaj estajoj pli-malpli frue ekkonscios, ke la nuna sistemo ne funkcias por ilia intereso kaj ke socialismo estas la nura solvo al la hodiauaj sociaj problemoj. Sed "estontece" estas tre malpreciza vorto kaj ec se ni estas profunde konvinkitaj, ke en pli-malpli malproksima estonteco la homaro vivos en socialisma socio, ni tamen devas demandi al ni kion ni povas hodiau fari por akceli procezon. Ne multon, vi diros, kaj tio estas vera. Sed oni povas almenau ne prokrasti gin, se oni ne lasas sin gluti per tiu au tiu a kapitalisma reformo, per tiu au tiu ci politika kverelo, sed male, se oni dedicas sin al ununura aktivado: la disvastigo de la socialisma ideo. (Same, ankau la sindikata aktivado restas utila, ne por konduki al sango, sed simple por rezisti kontrau la premoj de 1' kapitalo kaj defendi la vivnivelon de l'salajrularo). Dissemante la socialisman ideon, ni helpas al la ekkonsciigo, kiu pli-malpli frue okazos, kaj por tion fari ni organizigas en etaj organizoj nomitaj "partio", "grupo", "ligo", "asocio", ktp . . . lau la landoj.

Frontartikolo de "Socialisme Mondial 24" (n-ro 2 de nov. 83). 
Adreso: BP 26, B 6700 ARLON
Elfrancigis Kribo

What the market does to our food

From the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist 

British agriculture is notable for being the most mechanised in the world. There are more tractors than farm-workers. A smaller proportion of the working population — about 1 per cent as opposed to 4.5 per cent in the United States — works on the land and is responsible for two thirds of all our food and drink. Yields are among the highest in the world; wheat at more than five tons to the acre, for example. This compares with North America where one ton is the norm, curiously enough not much more than the average yield in Medieval England. But this arises from the extensive agriculture of Canada and the US with their limitless plains. Europeans have to squeeze more out of their plots.

Historically this was effected by good husbandry; manuring, marling, liming. Now it is achieved by spreading ever increasing amounts of chemical fertiliser on the fields. Equally, increasing amounts are washed off into the watercourses creating new problems, causing the Health Ministry to warn mothers in East Anglia, for example, not to make up their babies' feed with tap water on account of the sodium nitrate in it.

In the middle 1980's Britain again became, after a gap of two centuries, a net exporter of grain. British agriculture had, during those two hundred years, been the plaything of governments. The split in the ruling oligarchy between the landed interests and the new industrial magnates, between the old Tory interest (which incorporated the State Church) and the new Whigs, had made agriculture a political football. The most outstanding expressions of this struggle were those Corn Laws which were passed from 1815 onwards and repealed after a bitter struggle in 1846.

Driven off the land
The Tories favoured protection: high tariffs on imported corn, so guaranteeing them as landowners a high price. The Whigs wanted free trade in corn so that bread and beer for their workers were cheap and would result in cheaper labour.

After the repeal of the Corn Laws, imported grain from North America, but also from Russia, Argentina and Australia kept British agriculture in an almost permanent state of depression.

It is interesting to examine the nature of this competition that British farmers faced from overseas:
The very cheapness of our public lands, and the facility of purchase and transfer, tended to a system of bad farming, or strip and waste of the soil, by encouraging short occupancy and a speedy search for new homes, entailing upon the first and older settlements a rapid deterioration of the soil, which would not be likely to be arrested except by more thorough and scientific knowledge of agriculture and by a higher education of those who were dedicated to its pursuit. (Justin Smith Morell, quoted by Wendell Berry in The Unsettling of America, p. 145)
So much for the doctrine of Comparative Advantage of David Ricardo in which each nation is supposed to concentrate on what it does best. The Americans, once the Red Indians were got out of the way, took over a continent stuffed with good things: thousands of square miles of timber, some of it many centuries in the growing; oil in the South West so abundant that a pipe had only to be banged into the ground and oil would gush out; mountain ranges of high grade iron ore in Minnesota; and the loess soil of the great plains, wind blown alluvium which had built up over geological time to the equivalent of a topsoil thirty and forty feet deep in places.

Most of these comparative advantages have lost some of their edge. The soil was the first to go. From the first settlers on, the technique of farming was little different from the crudest slash-and-burn agriculture of primitive peoples. The land was "pumped" as the French say. It was cultivated until exhaustion set in, often no more than four harvests, and cultivators moved on to a fresh patch. It was cheaper to do this than replace the nutrition in the soil as European farmers had been obliged to do for thousands of years. It followed the doctrine of Comparative Advantage as enjoined by the new Market-based economics with highly satisfactory results — in the short term. European — particularly British — agriculture could not compete and the result was the economic destruction of small and medium farmers. The continuing Enclosure Acts scooped up the small farms into the properties of the big landowners and social disaster was added to agricultural chaos.

In our own time the process is being extended to Third World, in this case Brazil:
The big trouble is a steady flow of migrants from the countryside. Squeezed off the land by the rapid advance of mechanised crop farming and by the spread of huge ranches raising beef cattle, millions of families swarm into the cities. Under pressure to survive, they turn to crime and so provide more than their share of the jail population.

The civilian Government that took over in Brazil last year, after 21 years of military rule, is trying to clinch a programme whereby millions of acres of land still sloppily farmed by big landlords are to be split up into family smallholdings. That way, the human tide flowing into the cities would be reduced to a trickle, even reversed, Ministers hope.

But many landlords are digging in their heels against the scheme, some using hired gunmen to keep wandering landless families from settling on estates where they try to build huts, plough and plant.

Landless squatters are being murdered by paid triggermen at the rate of about four a week across Brazil. But you don't see many of the gunmen, or their bosses, in jail.
(Observer, 11 May 1986)
Needless to say the majority of these huge ranches are owned by foreign-based multinationals and the bulk of the meat is intended for junk-food in the West — hamburgers, hot dogs, sausages. Agronomists have predicted ecological catastrophe in the cutting down of tropical rain-forest and replacing it with grazing in the fragile soil of the area.

In the United States this catastrophe has already been visited upon huge areas. The soil was deprived of the organic material which bound it together and the wind and weather just blew it or washed it away again. The dust bowls and dust storms of the United States are part of world history and the process is continuing. Chemical fertilisers, herbicides and pesticides are being rushed up into the battle to get food out of the land, yet every time the solution seems short-lived, the cure worse than the disease.

The chorus of warning from biologists and agronomists fills the reading lists and the newspapers. Massed against them is the power of the multinational agrochemical industry and the stubbornness of farmers who are struggling to avoid foreclosure by the banks. Thousands of farmers in the Mid-West have been turned out by the bailiffs in the present depression, and the big interests have taken over.

The Average British Diet
There was a major crisis in British fanning in the late 1870's and 1880's which was only interrupted by World War I when foreign food imports were almost cut off by German U-boat attacks. The stimulus to cultivation and stock rearing did not last much longer than the end of the war, however. By the middle 1930's there was less land under the plough in England than there had been in the Domesday Book, nearly nine hundred years before, when the population was one-thirtieth of the size!

Those who do not learn from the lesson of the past are doomed to repeat its errors, says George Santayana, and the British government again found itself in World War II with the prospect of starvation for the people. All talk of market forces was forgotten. Backyards, tennis courts, lawns, public parks and golf courses were dug-up and planted. A medieval cottage economy took over great areas of the country with people keeping chickens, ducks, rabbits and pigs in back gardens and in London, even on their roofs.

The tendency to import Britain's food and drink requirements rather than rely on home-produced goods had begun early. Large quantities of wine were imported in the Middle Ages but it was not a staple of diet, despite the quantities involved, three million gallons annually in the fifteenth century, one for every man, women and child in the country.

From the eighteenth century on, however, exotics like cane sugar, tea, and coffee were imported to join potatoes as new and important items of diet, to the chagrin of commentators like Cobbett. He felt that tea and potatoes were no substitute for the bread and ale of old England.

The deleterious effects of sugar in the diet were far greater, especially when cane sugar from the West Indies met competition from the new home grown beet sugar. The greatly reduced cost, together with advertising and the confectionary industry have produced the highest sugar consumption and the worst teeth in the world. The dental profession's efforts to do something about it are stultified by the fact that the government is beholden to the power of pressure groups like the sugar and confectionery interests who dominate all food committees and ultimately Parliament itself. He who pays the piper calls the tune, and the sugar interest pays a lot to politicians, particularly Conservative politicians.

The move to the steel-roller milling of flour in the latter half of the nineteenth century reduced still further the quality of the average British diet. The new mills could not deal with the germ and the bran of the wheat as the old stone mills had done and these elements were disposed of as animal feed or sold to the public as cures for the diseases created by the deficient flour.

The resistance which might have been offered to the continuing debasement of British diet by a peasant population was missing; the peasantry had finally been got rid of by the General Enclosure of 1845. The "allotments" offered as a sop might have enabled a worker to survive on a lower wage; they would not enable him to thumb his nose at an insufficiently generous wage offered by a prospective employer. As Professor Thorold Rogers wrote of earlier Enclosures: "Two acts of government had effectually delivered the English labourers into the hands of their employers and left them helpless. These were Henry's crime of base money and the confiscation of glebe lands. "(History of Agriculture and Prices in England, Volume V)

The period between World Wars I and II must be reckoned among the worst years for British diet. True, there was not the picturesque squalor of Victorian England nor the comedy of the Union-Jack-waving freaks who offered themselves for service in the Boer War, two thirds of whom were rejected as unfit even for the army. The scraps and leavings with which Dickens' characters fed themselves had been replaced by a diet of weak tea, turnip jam, and a bread which might have been made from plaster of Paris for all the nutritive value it contained. The consequence was a race of dwarfs with blackened teeth and rickets. When the Second World War broke out a vast industry was called into being to fit up these degenerates with sets of false teeth and spectacles and to sew up their piles and hernias. As Mayhew, Engels and the Hammonds had exposed the terrible diets of the nineteenth century, so another group of reformers, Sir Albert Howard, Lady Eve Balfour, Sir Jack Drummond, were calling attention to the condition of British agriculture and the terrible diets of British citizens in the twentieth century.

The Second World War brought death to 40 million Europeans and privation to the survivors, but to the British working class the war-time rationing of foodstuffs meant, paradoxically, an improvement in diet, so bad had standards been before. Official statistics reported increased height and body weight of children and dental decay was reducing. This was despite a generous ration of confectionery which at the end of the war stood at seven ounces per person per week. The conclusion this suggests is that the body can deal with a certain amount of sugar and other rubbish provided general levels of nutrition are kept up — which had not been the case pre-war.

The end of sweet-rationing was strongly opposed by the trade — another paradox. But they knew what we have always argued: that free access to a good or service, or to all goods and services, does not mean increased consumption, but usually the opposite. The illusion or reality of limited supply creates a false demand. At all events, sweet rationing was ended, average consumption fell from seven ounces per person per week to five ounces and the confectionery trade went into recession. Limitation of demand by price was never an issue; sweets were and still are comparatively cheap in Britain.

Nasty things on the food front
During the 1950s a new group of factors entered the diet of people over the whole world served by the market. Artificial fertilisers were brought in to replace the animal manures which were disappearing with the move to a mechanised agriculture. Chemical herbicides were introduced to eliminate the need for hoeing and good tilth which had always been regarded as the sine-qua-non of good agriculture. Insecticides were being increasingly used to deal with problems created by, among other things, monoculture: the giving over of large areas to a single crop with the consequent build-up of huge concentrations of parasites like potato eel-worm, carrot-fly, codling-moth, aphids. This problem was not entirely new. In the nineteenth century the phylloxera vine-louse from North America had devastated the European vineyards. After desperate attempts to deal with the invader by chemical means had failed, the growers decided to go nature's way. The European vines were grafted onto North American roots. These had evolved along with the phylloxera and were unattractive to the insect, interrupting its life-cycle.

No such wisdom has taken hold of the world's cultivators in the twentieth century. According to the Economist, in November 1984, a study of 3,000 Americans revealed only 30 of them without at least one kind of insecticide in their blood. And that is the good news. In Britain, while Labour governments have been complacent about such matters, the Thatcher administration was active in conspiring to prevent public health action on the subject and even to deny information to those outside government and the agrochemical industry. The final horrors are reserved for the Third World where chemicals are freely used which are banned even in slovenly Britain. The consequences are that up to 10,000 people a year there die from pesticide poisoning (Economist, 12 April 1986).

But where warning voices from the 1930's onwards have not been needed, the disciplines of the balance-sheet are beginning to be felt. To quote the Economist again:
Chemical solutions are expensive. Those that come from fossil fuels cost a small fortune to develop. Third world countries spend huge sums subsidising their use. In Egypt, for instance, agrochemical subsidies work out at an annual $5 a head.

Recently, the pace of agrochemical invention has slowed, while the evolution of resistance has accelerated. In the 1940's the United States lost 7 per cent of its agricultural crops to insects. Today it loses about 13 per cent.
Exeter University has a number of fast selling lines in insects which eat other insects. Name your enemy and they will try to supply you with an enemy of your enemy and therefore your friend. In Essex, an octogenarian, Lawrence D. Hills, who had been sending out warnings for decades about the way farming was going and being ignored or denounced as a fool for his pains, acquired a new intellectual respectability and was being listened to. Apart from his research into nature-based means of combating pests, Hills drew attention to the dangers inherent in concentrating agriculture on too narrow a genetic base, allowing thousands of plant varieties to disappear. On the Cotswolds farmer Joe Henson has set aside a reserve for rare and disappearing animal breeds. They will be needed.

A glance through any of those magnificent Victorian gardening manuals will remind the interested person of the specimens which have been lost, leaving only those varieties which fit the needs of the market fruit and vegetables which travel and store well and look good on the supermarket shelves, never mind that when you get them home they taste awful.

Nasty things happening on the agricultural front have been paralleled by equally nasty things in animal husbandry and poultry keeping.

During the latter part of the last century unwelcome amounts of fat were being urged on the public by the meat trade. The drive to intensive rearing of birds and animals had increased fat by decreasing mobility. At the same time the move from candles and rushlights made of animal fats to lamps fuelled by mineral oil increased the surplus. During the 1930's a sausage-maker Thomas Walls and Company solved the problem of mounting surplus fat by converting it into ice cream. Fifty years later nutrition experts were complaining that British sausages contained as little as 5 per cent meat, the rest being made up of fat and "rusk", a flour based absorber for the fat.

The problem of animal fat surpluses was brought to a crisis point by the development of petroleum-derived synthetic soaps — detergents — after World War II. This virtually ended the career of animal fats which for thousands of years had provided mankind with uses ranging from lighting, soap, and grease for his axles to waterproofing for his clothes and boots.

Another development of the decades following the War was the dosing of poultry and animals with chemicals, first to control disease, later to increase body weight. In the nineteen fifties a number of Swiss men had gone to their doctors complaining of strange symptoms: loss of facial hair, incipient breasts. These were found to derive from canned chicken imported from the US which contained significant residues of female hormone used to promote growth.

The Swiss promptly banned a wide range of American goods and a bitter commercial squabble developed. Since then the use of hormones has been extended to beef cattle and similar symptoms have shown up in places as far apart as Italy and Puerto Rico including mature breasts on baby girls of four years.

A corn and beef farmer of Truro, in Cornwall explained the circumstances to me like this:
If you inject a hormone pellet into the ear of a bullock, you can bring him to market in twenty months. If you don't, it will take twenty-four months to bring the animal to market, you will go bust and the bank will send the bailiffs in. The cost of feed will wipe out what you get for the beast. But I know a man who puts a pellet in each ear and one up the arse. He markets his animals in eighteen months and he is making a fortune!
A significant development for British agriculture at the beginning of the 1970's was the UK entry into the Common Market. This economic union began after the war with the linking up of some of the smaller countries into the Benelux (Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg) Agreement and was then joined by Germany, France and Italy. At the beginning it was mainly an agricultural arrangement — the CAP, the Common Agricultural Policy. British governments first ignored it, then tried repeatedly to sabotage it, then finally applied to join it.

The European Economic Community, to give its correct title, set about stimulating its agriculture to ensure European self-sufficiency, but also to protect its smaller farmers and thereby reduce social chaos. This ran counter to the trend of British thinking, which was that the market must decide and if the remaining peasants were driven to the wall, too bad. But the British were outvoted and an endless series of financial squabbles ensued.

Build-up of surpluses
Another consequence was the build-up of huge surpluses of every imaginable foodstuff. In 1986 nearly a million tons of beef, Fifteen million tons of grain, butter mountains, wine lakes, olive oil lakes, the dumping of millions of tons of fruit and vegetables. This was not new. In the thirties wheat was being dumped in the sea and fish was being dumped on the land and the Brazilians were firing their trains on coffee beans, but the surpluses were not on anything like the same scale. What was not new was that these surpluses were building up alongside massive deprivation among the people.

Good food was being destroyed while people were being driven to consume junk food, because it was cheaper (and because more housewives were being driven out to work because of economic pressures: unemployed husbands, debt, etc.) Canned, frozen or dried soups, dinners, instant mash, ready hash, custard without eggs, ice cream without cream, lemonade without lemons, fruit jelly without fruit, meat loaf without meat. And to make this rubbish palatable, a veritable witch's cauldron of chemical dyes, flavourings, and smells, entered the food industry. The consequences for health are still being discovered.

The consequences for the undeveloped world of the trade in food have been no less disastrous. In the Great Famine in Ireland of the 1840's people starved while wheat was being exported to England. In the great Ethiopian Famine of the 1980's fruit was being exported to Europe, fruit which could have saved lives.

Throughout the Third World fruit and vegetables are being produced by multinationals like United Brands of Boston, Massachusetts, and Unilever of Holland and Britain, on the best land in Central America and Africa for export to North America and Europe, while the local population is forced to survive on poor land, or worse, to become labourers on the latifundia of the big foreign companies. The power of these companies to influence, form, or destroy governments led in the inter-war years to the phenomenon of the Banana Republics, governments which were mere puppets of western multinational fruit companies.

It is difficult to find any aspect of food production in the modern world where the market can be said to exert a good influence. The mere fact of production for sale and not to satisfy needs, promotes an urge to grab the money and run, in all industries and services, but in food the results seem to be more catastrophic than anywhere else. Unfresh vegetables containing toxic chemical residues, meat with dangerous levels of antibiotics and hormones, fruit and vegetables which do not taste like fruit and vegetables used to taste, chocolate where the cocoa content has been reduced to the point where the Common Market Commissioners will not allow it to be called chocolate. The list is endless and depressing.

Another revealing development is a growing tendency for stock farmers to keep a particular animal for their own family which is raised the old way, without chemicals, and for fruit and vegetable growers to raise plants for their own consumption separate from those they send to market.

The good news, what little there is, lies in the discovery of the smarter entrepreneurs that "health" food, "organically" grown fruit and vegetables, chemically-free meat and poultry, is a growth market. White bread is a disaster area, commercially speaking, whereas the market demands more "stone-ground 100 per cent wholewheat" flour and bread than is available.
Ken Smith (Britain)

Pollution: no solution within capitalism (1987)

From the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist 

Opponents of socialism will sometimes admit that it would be a mighty fine thing and would certainly solve the major social problems. But first, they say, we need various reforms of capitalism now to deal with immediate problems.

Reforms solve nothing and in some cases leave things worse off than before because they leave untouched the basic fundamentals of capitalism: ownership of the tools of production by a small minority, with the consequence that the majority must hire themselves out for wages or salaries, and production with a view to profit. Therefore, all decisions to try to solve problems will be made with due regard to the profit motive, without which capitalism can't function. This explains why reforms fail and why parties which said at the outset that they stood for socialism, but first attempted to deal with immediate demands, ended up total reformist parties with a pretty crummy track record of not delivering the goods.

In the greater sense, socialists are the greatest reformers of all because the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of socialism will solve mankind's social problems. Therefore, it will be one whacking big reform to end all reforms. It ought to be socialism that should be mankind's immediate demand, particularly in view of the fact that capitalism, through the operation of its profit motive, is fast destroying this planet.

Screwing up the earth
Let's look at some of the ways capitalism is doing such an excellent job of screwing up this earth. The people of Kiev and Bhopal know all too well that the environment can be ruinously affected by events beyond their control, such as a disaster at a nuclear plant or a chemical plant leak. Still, a recent opinion survey showed that 83 per cent of the public in Canada believe that protecting the environment is an individual responsibility. This argument is being foisted on the public by the Canadian government, with the assistance of the United Nations, which proclaimed June 5 last year "National Environment Day" to make people aware of the part they allegedly play as individuals in the dismal picture of pollution in Canada. In other words, the Canadian government is saying: don't blame us, the powers that be, blame your silly irresponsible selves.

In Canada various forests which are far from industrial areas are dying. Scientists say air pollution is the only plausible explanation for the deaths of a variety of forests which cover a wide area. Air pollution spews from hundreds of big coal-burning power plants and smelters and millions of industrial chimneys and motor vehicle exhaust pipes across North America. More than 50 million tonnes a year of sulphur and nitrogen oxides are released into the air over Canada and the United States each year, with the bulk in the eastern sector. Prevailing winds carry much of that to Quebec and the New England States and finally to the Atlantic Provinces before the residue blows out to sea. The fallout of sulphates from sulphur dioxide in the St Lawrence River area is twice the level set by federal and provincial governments (big joke) as the maximum acceptable for protecting most, though not all the lakes from acidification.

In much of Europe woodlands such as the Black Forest are withering, rotting and dying under the assault of air pollution, including acid rain. In West Germany they call the result waldsterben—forest death. Along the Appalachian Mountain range of the eastern United States the same type of forest destruction is underway. Trees, particularly Red Spruce on the high western slopes facing the US industrial heartland are dying. One forester said it looks as if someone had gone over the mountains with a blow torch.

Now green forests are turning grey in Canada. South of Quebec City the maple forests that make the area the world's maple syrup capital are dying in huge numbers. Trees that should last as long as two or three centuries are going bare in a few years. Their leaves perforated and necrotic and their branches shedding bark. Across a 25,000/square kilometer area south of Quebec City 82 per cent of the trees are affected.

A major international conference on forest decline was held in the Quebec City suburb of Ste Foy in 1983 at which Peter Schutt, Dean of Forestry at Munich University, said "in our country we are in a serious dilemma". Old forests are dying across nearly one-third of central Europe; it came so quickly that "the decline starts almost with the ringing of a bell".

It gives one an idea of how quickly these things develop to note that at the conference Canadian officials said that the wide-spread damage already in Europe was not seen in Canada. At most, there were scattered reports of maple trees dying unexpectedly, they said. Now the decline in the area only 50 kilometers south of Quebec City is a site for scientists and politicians from many countries to study and try to regulate air pollution, especially acid rain.

The pollution begins as colourless gases spewed from millions of chimneys, smoke stacks and exhaust pipes, which form invisible rivers of air pollution travelling hundreds, even thousands of kilometers. These corrosive gases, and the acids they form in the rain arid snow, can eat away the surface of leaves. They also percolate into the soil, destroying the food system of trees and attacking the roots.

Added to the acidic destruction of life in thousands of lakes in Canada and northern Europe, a major forest decline is like the second shoe dropping. Already 15,000 to 20,000 lakes in eastern Canada are considered to be acidic and 180,000 are considered to be at risk in the next decade or so. Most of the tree decline has been down wind of major pollution sources. In Quebec the most numerous deaths are in an area that is soaked with acid rain from US, Ontario and Quebec industries.

While Quebec is the worst area in Canada, it's not the only one. Ontario has small but sometimes severe areas of tree decline from the east shore of Lake Superior to the Quebec border. "Now you can go into any wood lot in Ontario and find tree decline", David McLaughlin of Ontario's Ministry of Environment said in an interview. He stated that a survey of three hundred maple syrup producers found reports of a decline in one-third of forests. Studies have found that tree growth in a number of areas declined about thirty years ago, "it just went into a tailspin" (Toronto Globe and Mail, September 26, 1986).

Paul Addison of the Canadian Forestry Service said the other area of forest decline is a band along the Fundy shoreline of New Brunswick. In addition there are scattered reports of abnormal tree deaths in other parts of the province. From Quebec the forest decline reaches south across the US border into the Sugar Bushes of Vermont and New Hampshire. Further south, in the Appalachians, tree decline is already so bad that it is being described as an ecological catastrophe in the making.

The Washington-based Conservation Foundation issued a report last spring saying high altitude Appalachian forests "are dead or dying on a massive scale and it is impossible to estimate how far this process may go" (Toronto Star, September 18,1986). Conrad Von Moltke of the Foundation said that the top of Mount Mitchell, the highest peak in the eastern United States, is now a wasteland. Forest decline has been reported as far south as Florida's eastern coastal plain and west into the heavily-polluted Ohio Valley. It is also found on the western and southern slopes of California mountains which are bathed in air pollution from the Los Angeles area. The trees in the mountains are commonly referred to as the "everbrowns".

In Canada the toll could be very high. The Maple Forests are not only a national symbol and part of a culture, but also part of a forest industry that directly or indirectly employs one Canadian in ten.

Ignorance about chemical toxicity
In a booklet called The Acid Rain Story Environment Canada says that "many forestry scientists in Canada and the United States are expecting serious, possibly irreversible soil and forest effects by the next twenty-five to one hundred years if acid levels being deposited remain constant or increase".

It was not until the fall of 1985 that the Canadian Forestry Service released a major study on forest decline, but even then it hedged its comments on the role of air pollution. But the study did say that "there is a danger involved in awaiting the completion of scientific studies before making policy decisions regarding pollution control. If long-range air pollution causes serious irreversible damage to forests, then the evidence comes too late".

Even if the governments of the various countries affected were capable of preventing this from happening, which given the profit-oriented nature of capitalism is highly unlikely, they would have to act and act fast The fact that none have shown any signs of acting fast is all the more reason why socialism should be mankind's most immediate demand. It must not be thought that politicians just don't care; many public officials are well-meaning. The plain fact is that they don't know how to deal with the problems, and there is in fact no way to deal with them within capitalism.

It is a complex problem because as yet we don't know everything about the effects of all the various chemicals in the atmosphere and water. First is the number of chemicals involved. Of the more than 7 million chemicals known some 50,000 are produced commercially and find their way into the environment Of these about 2,000 are sufficiently nasty to reach priority lists. The problem is thus vast and it is difficult to know where to start. Ironically, getting on the priority lists is as much a matter of news media attention as of the chemical's toxicity.

Second, to conduct a thorough assessment of the hazard requires extensive and expensive data on chemical properties and toxicity. Only a few hundred chemicals have been studied adequately and even for them there is doubt about their toxic effects at concentration levels which are, say, one-hundredth of that necessary to cause observable injury. We face an immense lack of knowledge.

Third, the chemicals come from many sources: industry, consumer products, leaky land-fills, incinerators, drifting in with air and water from abroad. In the early days of fighting pollution it was easy to point an accusing finger at the smoke stack or sewer. Now we have a multitude of sources.

The toxics migrate from soil to air to water to fish to gulls and cross-currents, and involve numerous government departments (which usually have difficulty co-operating). An excellent excuse for inaction is that any one specific move can affect only a few percent of the sources. The only hope for de-contamination is to stop the sources. The toxins that are unleashed in the environment are leaves in the wind tumbling out of control. Their recovery is impossible.

Improvements in analytical chemistry reveal new chemicals in new places as the frontiers of detection are pushed from parts per million to parts per billion, trillion and quadrillion. We now live not only in a chemical society but in a chemical ecosystem in which all toxic chemicals are present everywhere — in air, drinking water, food, and human tissues. Finding dioxins in drinking water should not make the headlines. If they are not found it is generally because the analysis was not sensitive (or expensive) enough. It is the absence that would be surprising, not the presence. The key quality is the magnitude of the concentration compared to toxic concentrations. Zero concentrations are simply not obtainable today.

Environmental science has realized only recently that water is the critical medium of contamination. Soil contamination is usually local, but water acts as a vehicle to transport toxins along the rivers that flow into the lakes to the cities beyond. It serves as a source for food chain transfer from water to fish to humans. Fish, and creatures like gulls who eat them, are the key signals of contamination — the modern coal-mine canaries. And the signals are disturbing. It has been suggested that one of the best sensors is the domestic "watch cat" fed continuously with local fish. When the cat goes crazy, the humans may be next. At Grassy Narrows cats were among the first to show symptoms of mercury poisoning.

Fundamental change necessary
As bleak as the above may seem, the technology exists to solve this problem. In some areas some measure of success has been attained. Various rivers and estuaries in Britain (including the Thames) and the United States are being restored by stopping sources of pollution. The St John River in New Brunswick was cleaned up by thoughtful, co-ordinated effort.

But will this technology be used on a wide scale within capitalism to solve these problems? No, because to do so the various governments concerned would have to work in harmony, which is impossible given the basic functioning of governments, which exist to run the affairs of capitalism in general and capitalism in their area in particular.

The US and Canadian governments, as well as the various state and provincial governments, are constantly at loggerheads over pollution of the Great Lakes and acid rain. For the US to stop pumping acid rain into Canada, it would have to shut down half the heavy industry in the north-east states. Some likelihood!

Politicians may argue all they wish on these matters, but on one thing they all agree: that these affairs are subsidiary ones to the all-important aspect of running businesses at a profit. Nor is there much long-term planning for these matters within capitalism — profits must be acquired and quickly for businesses to survive, regardless of what long-term disasters may do to these businesses in the future. From a down-to-earth common sense point of view, it all sounds nuts but nevertheless it is all logical within the context of capitalism, which is based on competition and profits. When proposals are made to tackle these problems the response of capitalists and their political joe-boys is: "What'll it cost, man, what'll it cost?" And if the cost is too high: "We'll never make a profit, forget it".

This is not because they are a bunch of creeps or morons. They are circumstanced and circumscribed by the general economic situation just as much (but in a different way) as the working class are. The capitalist class has to do whatever is deemed necessary to make a profit, regardless of whether they are or are not nasty people. It's a waste of time moralizing, bitching and indulging in political slander. The only thing which is not a waste of time in this connexion is to make socialism the immediate objective and organize for it now.

The establishment of a society democratically administered with production for use is the only cure for the world's ills, because once it is established the economic conditions which created these problems will have ceased to exist. We can then set about building a society where poverty will give way to plenty and all can live a full and happy life, each individual being free to develop their personality to the fullest possible extent.
Ray Rawlings (Canada)

Racism and free speech in Canada (1987)

From the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist 

Racism is as much at home in Canada as apple pie with ice cream, according to a native Indian spokesman. Racism is also American, British, Russian, Japanese and German. It encompasses most if not all industrial nations, because all countries are class divided into owners and non-owners of the means of life, all are based on the employer versus employee social relationship.

We live in a class-divided, oppressive world system in which an owning class in every country has a monopoly of the means of disseminating ideas because it owns and controls the means of production and distribution. The majority class at the bottom of the social scale is allocated a small measure of free expression is some countries — that is, civil rights, or elbow room for workers to have a say in the running of their own exploitation — and relatively none in others. In some of the older "democracies" free speech exists in a few open-air speaking centers, parks and town or city squares. All other speaking to audiences, distribution of written material or mass broadcasting has to be paid for, and the owning, ruling class possesses most of the property and money. The world's workers do not own and control TV and radio stations, movie studios, churches, "educational" institutions or newspaper chains.

The limited freedoms of speech and assembly are rights granted by the state. As such they are not absolute. They are relative, i.e., concessions, allowed by a dominant class, and partly struggled for by unfree masses. In some countries in the past these rights have been removed without enough protest from the ordinary people to prevent it. This is partly because wage and salary workers are conditioned to accept authority, to follow leaders, as part of the milieu of being separated from most of what they produce. An undemocratic economic process makes them easy targets for fallacious concepts of democracy and freedom which confuse existing rights in "democratic" countries with the freedom which would pertain in a classless society of social equality.

Wherever parasites live off the labor of a lower class, friction and frustration inevitably arise. It is impossible for exploitation to occur without causing problems of hopelessness, insecurity, humiliation and alienation for the exploited majority. A large proportion of "ordinary people", being unaware of the social source of their miseries, fears and frustrations, look for scapegoats to blame their problems on, in various visible minorities.

Prejudice is widespread and usually misconceived. Example, Barbara Amiel of Macleans said racism is a common human vice, as if it was innate, a part of the nature of humans. Sidney Harris, a North American columnist, was near to the fact of the matter when he quoted a psychiatric assessment — "paranoid projection" — and then admitted that "there can be very few of us who do not unthinkingly entertain . . . prejudices about groups other than our own which will not stand in the light of critical examination . . . which serve to bolster our self-esteem".

The world system we live under, which inherently causes racism, obviously has no cure for it. Governments at times directly sponsor racism with extreme nationalism in the interests of what they think to be the profitability of the economy, as in the case of the German Nazi regime and to a lesser degree of the USSR. Canadian governments have, covertly at least, supported bigotry, as in the instances of the internment of Canadian nationals of Japanese ancestry during the early part of the second world war, the vilifying of native Indians in elementary school books, the operations of the Indian Affairs Department, and denying entry of German Jews on the "voyage of doom" ship, the St. Louis, trying to escape the Nazis. But they usually try to keep racism to a minimum, trying to prevent strife and disruption, so as to enhance an "orderly" extraction of profits. Appeals are made for "tolerance" of minorities by workers, and legislation exists to curb the extremist or organized racists.

Two such zealots achieved prominence in the news recently in reference to the anti-semitic sphere of discrimination, through being criminally charged with "wilfully promoting hatred against an identifiable group". They are Ernst Zündel who, among other things, produced the book The Hitler We Loved and Why, and James Keegstra, former Alberta schoolteacher who indoctrinated his students for fifteen years about the Nazi holocaust being a hoax. They, with several organizations, promote the fiction of an international Zionist conspiracy to rule the earth through a single world government. Acting on a 19th century forged document, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, they cite rich Jews in positions of power who they call the "illuminati". One faction of this faith idolizes Hitler but is contradicted by another which sees him as having been a witless tool of the illuminati.

The judge in Keegstra's trial accepted an argument that the Canadian Charter of Rights "is not meant to guarantee absolute freedom". A Victoria Times/Colonist editorial of July 27 1986 quoted Voltaire's assertion that the right to speak one's mind is absolute, but the editorial inadvertently revealed the limitation of free speech as a mere right granted by the state when it said that" law enforcement agencies will decide if Zündel should be prosecuted for what he has said".

Both men were convicted of spreading hate, but it is the antagonistic, anti-social environment of the present world system which naturally generates hatred, and it is never put on trial. Keegstra was condemned for preaching hatred to a captive audience of school children in their impressionable years. But the state authority, which had him on trial, itself preaches hatred in its schools such as "native people admire and esteem murderers"; "bombing cities is an exciting and courageous activity" (Times/Colonist, August 21, 1986). And leaders and the workers of nations at war with Canada have been portrayed as inferior or evil.

Not surprisingly, Keegstra and Zündel were displeased about being forcibly prohibited from airing their ideas publicly by a government claiming to be a champion of "freedom and democracy". So these two admirers of Hitler, the dictator who ended marginal free speech in Germany fifty years before, with their supporters and their lawyer, Doug Christie, founder of the "right-wing" Western Canada Concept Party, helped in founding the "Canadian Free Speech League". Christie later legally banned a CBC TV docudrama, loosely based on the career of Keegstra, from being broadcast, and he has sued for defamation against parts of the media.

When the League brought Zündel to Victoria to speak at a meeting at which $5.00 was to be charged at the door, an opposing "free speech" body was hastily organized by some liberal-left, labor and church groups called "Coalition for Responsible Free Speech" (CRFS) to stop him. Attempts to hold the meeting in two different halls to talk about free speech (Zündel was forbidden by law to talk about the holocaust) were defeated after threats of violence and a death threat from an unknown source.

The CRFS saw itself as an influence against the occurrence of another anti-Jewish atrocity. They did not appear to know that the history that Keegstra and Zündel were attempting to rewrite was a "history" that had already been distorted by the Allied victors in the second world war, which was fought not for "freedom and democracy" but for the usual reasons of markets, resources and exploitable populations. And it was caused by all of its national participants as they jostled to protect and further their economic interests. The Jews, Gypsies and others of Europe were convenient scapegoats to divert German workers' attention from their own problems, channelling maximum energies toward winning their bosses' war to retrieve and increase the colonies and markets lost in the previous conflagration.

The CRFS adopted the shallow concept of "fighting fire with fire", or trying to defeat undemocratic theory with undemocratic methods. The alternative method of open discussion to defeat racism, by trying to first identify its cause by inviting prominent racists to speak, was attempted by some universities across the country. Most of them were stopped by "anti-racism" groups who, by imitating the evil they wished to stamp out, were really compounding the problem.

The capitalist class cannot allow democratic, free discussion on problems. The social structure demands that they try to keep the useful class, the majority, in political ignorance. The rules of society also use their privileged monopoly of the machinery for spreading ideas to make a dirty word of Socialism, contributing to the docility and passiveness of the millions they oppress. So, there is a perpetual problem for civil rights activists who try to preserve or extend limited free speech against the class dictatorship of the owning minority in the face of changing conditions.

If the solution, for us who must sell our lives for a ration called a wage or salary is to do the best we can with the existing limited rights, which are being gained in more countries, to build up the movement for world socialism and to take democratic political action to change the basis of society. Democracy, i.e., freedom, can be realized only in a society of social equality based on the common (not state) ownership and democratic control of the Earth by and in the interest of its inhabitants.
George Jenkins (Canada)

The continuing trade war (1987)

From the Winter 1987-88 issue of the World Socialist

For a long time we have been hearing about "the trade war" with Japan. According to the media, the whole populations of America and Britain have been incensed about the flood of Japanese imports and the reluctance of the Japanese to buy foreign goods, and are demanding that their governments put pressure on Japan to stop it.

This is a half-truth that is wholly misleading. The American and British companies making fat profits importing Japanese goods, and their customers who buy them, are not incensed and are not asking their governments to do anything. They "buy Japanese" because the goods are cheap, and they want to go on buying them. The people who do want it stopped and who happen to have got the support of their governments are those American and British manufacturers who are being driven out of business because they cannot produce as cheaply as can their Japanese rivals. It is a development seen many times before in the history of world capitalism, but with different countries taking the leading role.

At first it was Britain, "the workshop of the world", which flooded other countries with its cheap manufactures. Among the later leaders have been the USA and Germany. Now it is Japan, but in due course it will be the Japanese manufacturers complaining about cheap imports. Already there are signs of this but it will be the Japanese manufacturers who will complain, not the Japanese import companies and their customers.

The important aspect of this to take note of is that it is just one example of the sectional conflicts of interest inside the capitalist class in each country — those who favour "free trade" and those who favour protective tariffs; the borrowers who want interest rates to fell and the lenders who want them to rise; the export industries pressing for a lower foreign exchange rate for the currency and the import industries pressing for a higher rate; and the capitalists who want inflation with its higher prices, those wanting deflation with its lower prices and those who prefer the gold standard and a stable price level.

Illusions about Free Trade
The row with Japan raises the issue of Free Trade. In the mid-nineteen century two Liberal politicians, Cobden and Bright, evolved a comprehensive theory. Each country should, they said, cease all forms of discrimination against foreign goods and always buy in the cheapest market. Prices would fall, production would increase and all would benefit through universal peace and prosperity.

It suited British manufacturers at the time because the cheapness of their manufactures would give them access to the markets of all countries operating a free trade policy. The Tory, Benjamin Disraeli, understood the world better than did the Cobdenites when he said that "the Continent will not suffer England to be the workshop of the World". Not only was he right about that, but within thirty years, when British goods no longer had the advantage of cheapness, the manufacturers were campaigning for protection against foreign imports.

The error of the Cobdenites was in their belief that the nations are simple geographical associations of manufacturers, traders and workers happily co operating together and ready to join with those in other nations to the advantage of all the people. As a picture of the one hundred and sixty nations in the world it is not recognisable. Capitalism is not like that. In all the nations there is exploitation of one class by another, production carried on for sale and profit, and armed forces both to protect the property of the owners and to maintain their interests against the other nations. The nations were born in conflict and live in conflict.

The nations came into existence, with greater or less violence, out of the break-up of the old empires such as the Turkish and Austro-Hungarian, and later, out of the dismantling of the British, French, Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires. How violently, can be seen in our own times because nation-forming is still going on: the creation of Israel and its wars with neighbouring states; the breakaway of Bangladesh from Pakistan and of Pakistan from India, which now faces separatist movements of the Sikhs in the Punjab and the Ghurkas in West Bengal; the Corsican independence struggle against France and of the Basques against Spain; the Tamils in Sri Lanka and the movements by the Kurds in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran to form a Kurdish nation. In other parts of the world there are similar movements including parts of Russia. Twenty years ago the Nigerian government in a bloody civil war beat off an attempt by oil-rich Biafra to form an independent state.

There is a common pattern in all the past and present, successful and unsuccessful attempts to form new nations. Local groups of politicians and businessmen who think they can do better for themselves on their own form so-called national independence movements, using as their power-base local populations having the same language, or religion, or tribal loyalties or the the same facts or legends of history (some Israelis invoke the real or supposed events of 2,000 years ago).

Constant battle for resources and trade routes
Marx and Engels sketched out the nation-forming process in the Communist Manifesto in 1848. In opposition to the idealised vision of Cobden and Bright, Marx and Engels wrote:
The bourgeoisie finds itself in a constant battle . . . at all times, with the bourgeoisie of foreign nations.
The principal forms taken by the constant battle are attempts to grab sources of raw materials, minerals and fuels needed for industry and the need to protect the sea and air routes along which they are transported. An interesting example comes from Alsace and Lorraine. Acquired by France in the 17th and 18th centuries, this area was taken in war by Germany in 1870; reoccupied by France in 1918; retaken by Germany in 1939 and returned to France again after World War II. The lure was the rich iron ore deposits.

Then there is the so-called trade war between the nations. It has been widely misunderstood and has produced a crop of fallacious theories from economists and others to explain how it works. It can happen, though instances are few, that a group of capitalists can induce the government to turn trade war into real war, as when, early in the 19th century, Britain made war on China to force the Chinese government to allow the import of opium into China.

The extent to which a nation depends on foreign trade reflects the extent to which it has all the resources it needs within its own borders. For the USA and Russia, with their great land mass, exports are only ten per cent of total production and are correspondingly of limited importance except to the industries concerned. For Britain it is about 30 per cent and for Belgium, Switzerland and some other countries very much more.

In general foreign trade ranks in importance far below the vital strategic interests of the nations. Despite the long "trade war" between the USA and Japan no one has suggested that it might lead to real war: the mutual interest of the two governments in strategic control of the Pacific is much too vital. As Professor Edwin Cannan pointed out during the 1914 war:
Where there are not supposed to be divergent strategic interests, no amount of divergent or supposedly divergent commercial interests produces either war or preparations for war.
Several writers, including J.A. Hobson, Major Douglas, founder of the Social Credit movement, and the economist J.M. Keynes, took a different view, giving the pressure to find export markets an importance out of all proportion. Keynes, in particular (in the last chapter of his General Theory), holding that the pressure to export is a principal cause of war. All three based their theories on a supposed, but in fact non-existent, overall "deficiency of purchasing-power" in every nation.

Fallacies about why countries export
The governments in all countries face an acute political problem in the discontent that arises if large numbers of workers are unemployed. They and their advisers are therefore concerned to find out what it is that causes the periodic crises, and the depressions which follow the crises, that are an inevitable feature of the whole modern world.

One of the flimsiest of the anti-Marxist theories selects as the cause of crises the restricted purchasing power of the working class. Because the ability of the workers to buy consumer goods is limited to their wages, the theory held that the industries producing consumer goods soon find themselves in financial difficulties as they compete with each other for a limited market, so a crisis occurs. This theory was known to Marx, who ridiculed it. He pointed out that in the boom which is the forerunner of every crisis, the wages of the whole working class not only rise because wage-rates rise and more workers are in work, but the working-class "get a larger share of the annual product intended for consumption". So the sales of the consumer goods industries do not go down but go up. As Marx said, "such a period should rather remove a crisis".

Hobson, Douglas and Keynes put forward a more substantial version of the deficiency theory. They argued that the combined purchasing power of the capitalists and the workers together is insufficient to buy all the commodities on sale in the market. They offered different reasons for this deficiency. Hobson said it was due to the existence of monopolies, Douglas said it was because the government did not put enough currency (notes and coins) into circulation. Keynes said it was because the government borrowed and spent too little to create full employment.

There is no need to go into the details of their theories because history has disproved all of them. Crises and depressions with mass unemployment have occurred before monopolies were formed and after they had been suppressed. The amount of currency in circulation in the 1980's when unemployment has been over three million is a dozen times more than it was in the 1950's when there was a continuing labour shortage. There has been a similar big increase of government borrowing and spending in the 1980's compared with the 1950's.

Louis Boudin, who had written usefully about Marxian economics in The Theoretical System of Karl Marx, went quite off the rails about the supposed deficiency of purchasing power and consequent compulsive pressure to find markets for exports. He argued that industrially developed countries cannot export to each other at all. Their only outlet, he said, is in primitive economies not yet in the sphere of capitalism. So, as those economies become industrially developed all exports would dry up. Rosa Luxemburg put forward a similar theory in her book the Accumulation of Capital. Boudin and Luxemburg expressed these views some seventy years ago, but the volume of world trade now is enormously greater than it was then, most of it between the industrially developed nations.

If it were true that capitalists have to export because of a deficiency of purchasing power at home and therefore British capitalism had to export £75,000 million of commodities in 1985, who is it who bought the £80,000 millions of imports?

The Marxian Position
Marx dealt with and disposed of the whole deficiency theory. There is not and cannot be an overall deficiency of purchasing power to buy all the commodities on sale in the market; however possessing purchasing-power is not the same as using it at once to buy the commodities in the market.

Marx made this point in his reply to the French economist J. B. Say, in the first volume of Capital (Chapter on Money, or the circulation of commodities). Say held that serious depression is impossible because, in his phrase, "every seller brings a buyer to market"; by which he meant that every capitalist who has sold commodities then has the money with which to go out at once and buy other commodities. To which Marx replied by pointing out that being able to buy at once does not mean that the capitalist has to buy at once. "No-one is forthwith bound to purchase, because he has just sold." He went to say:
If the interval in time . . . between the sale and the purchase becomes too pronounced the intimate connection between them, their oneness, asserts itself by producing — a crisis.
If the buyers of a certain line of commodities suddenly cease to buy them the industry producing the commodities is in financial trouble.

This happens because in every boom some industries overproduce for their particular market. Prices drop, profit margins disappear and production is curtailed or halted. Because of growing unemployment, the total wage of the working class falls and with it the sale or consumer goods too.

Capitalists produce to make a profit. They are not interested in production for its own sake. It is how capitalists behave that causes crisis, not the limited purchasing power of the working class.

What about imports?
It has to be emphasised that the "trade war" is not just about exports but about both imports and exports. The pressure behind both is the same, the search for profits by the import and export capitalists.

The competition is the same. Export capitalists compete with each other for overseas markets and with foreign manufacturers. Import capitalists compete with each other and with foreign manufacturers for access to the home market. Each section seeks to get the backing of the government and some governments help export industries with subsidies. But equally, some governments put obstacles in the way of the export industries in order to help home producers.

At the beginning of the century the British government levied a heavy tax on every ton of coal exported. The coal owners objected but it was welcomed by British factory owners because it meant lower coal prices in the home market. The Argentine government levies a tax on the export of wheat and the Indian government fixes a minimum price for the export of tea. Only the high-priced tea can be exported, with the effect of keeping prices low and promoting sales in the home market. Developing nations producing raw materials to be manufactured abroad eventually decide to restrict exports in order to promote the development of manufacture at home. It all depends on which section of the capitalist class succeeds in getting government support for its particular benefit.
Edgar Hardcastle (Britain)


Blogger's Note:
As both Louis Boudin and Rosa Luxemburg are mentioned in Hardcastle's article, readers might be interested in the following articles and book reviews from the pages of the Socialist Standard and the Western Socialist that covers both writers in greater detail:
  • A review of Louis Boudin's The Theoretical System of Karl Marx by Ren (1968 No. 3 issue of The Western Socialist)
  • A review of Louis Boudin's The Theoretical System of Karl Marx by Edgar Hardcastle (August 1968 issue of the Socialist Standard)
  • Rosa Luxemburg and the Collapse of Capitalism by John Crump (January 1969 issue of the Socialist Standard)