Thursday, November 5, 2026

Between the Lines: What TV Does to People (1987)

The Between the Lines Column from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard

What TV Does to People

The Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, has of late undertaken a course of ritual pontification about the effects of sex and violence on TV screens. Are these images corrupting the impressionable workers? Might Michael Ryan not have gone around shooting the inhabitants of Hungerford if TV had not given him a model to imitate? Did the rape scene in Sins create new rapists? Is all of the anti-social nastiness of daily life under capitalism but a re-enactment of the corrupting imagery of TV make-believe?

Socialists are not out to tell the bosses how to run their system. They will run it, if they can, in whatever way it will be most profitable and stable for them — and they will regulate their media accordingly. Of course, the Tories are in a bit of a fix. On the one hand they never tire of telling us that human nature dictates our anti-social behaviour: we are all born sinners and the best we can do is repent for being the murderous, evil little swines that we are. If that theory was true, then TV images would not make people anti-social, for we already would be. If the government accepts the view that the social environment moulds people’s behaviour (which is clearly what they are saying when they seek to limit the influence of TV) they are taking dangerous steps in the direction of the Marxist recognition that it is our social being which determines our consciousness. So, if Hurd and his colleagues advance to the recognition that we are what society makes us, then they must give up their traditional claims that murderers, rapists and other anti-social beings were born that way: if they were, then it would not matter how "clean" TV was, they would still commit their crimes.

Once the Tories accept the view that TV might affect the way people behave it becomes necessary for them to place the state in the role of censors, ensuring that we, the viewers, are not allowed to see what is bad for us. Needless to say. such censorship would not be unpolitical. We do not expect governments to act unpolitically. The state censors might decide to ban TV films which glorify violence, but so too might they decide to ban documentaries which undermine national morale. As soon as a censorship body exists it will be used to perform more than simply ethical functions. The pro-censorship lobby invariably couples sex and violence as the pernicious double-act of modern TV. But sex and violence are different images. Why ban sexual images from TV? Miserable Christians insist that nude bodies corrupt children. That tells us more about screwed-up Christians' self-repression than anything else. Of course, there is a massive difference between the televised depiction of sensitive love-making and the TV blockbuster which needs to kick off with a brutal rape scene because it will pull in the punters who read The Sun and who constitute an audience big enough to please the advertisers. If "sex on TV" is to be "banned" (to use the absurd terminology of the censorship brigade), are we no longer to see drama which includes the realities of sexual behaviour? The sex imagery which TV is far more culpable of exploiting is that related to gender roles — images which show women as flawed if they are not purchaseable commodities of femininity and which teach female viewers which character models to copy if they want to be like real TV women. It is that sort of "sex on TV” which is far more repressive and destructive than the scenes which Mary Whitehouse never seems to miss, and then always seems to want to ensure that the rest of us are banned from seeing.

As for violence, what kind of a society is capitalism which has armaments capable of blowing up the world several times over, research establishments plotting ways of creating biological weapons that can kill people by newer, more painful methods; which settles its international rivalries in pursuit of profits by the use of well-organised thuggery — which does all of these things openly and with pride —and then blames TV shoot-outs for creating social violence? The simple fact is that if we were not living in a social system based upon competition the incentive to be socially violent would not be there.


The Bloody Tragedy of it All

We do not know whether violent or pornographic pictures on TV make viewers behave differently. Different research provides contradicting conclusions. What TV does do to many, many workers is make us sad. Watching The News At Ten (ITV) night after night after night is a process which ends in feeling bloody miserable about the tragedy of it all. For millions of workers this tragedy is blotted out by booze or tranquillisers; in others it creates apathy; for some the bad news (which is almost everything) is blocked out and they wait for the bit at the end where ITN digs up a "happy story" to send the wage slaves to bed with a bit of hope.

Few documentaries conveyed this sense of overwhelming tragedy as well as the recent Channel Four series, The Politics of Food (Tuesdays, 9pm). The programme about Brazil (7 October) showed scene after scene of dying, starving children, many of them little more than babies. There was the interview with a mother who told the story of saving up enough money to take her malnourished son to the doctor. She brought him back in a coffin, now she has two more children both suffering from the same symptoms of malnutrition. Then there was the Brazilian man who worked producing cocoa for export so that his capitalist bosses could help pay off their $100 billion debt to the bankers. (This is the tragedy of capitalism: cocoa is grown for export and land producing crops which could feed starving peasants is converted to export production because the empty-bellied are also those with empty wallets.) The man, who earns a wage of £8 a week, says. "It used to be bad. but now it's worse. The harder I work the worse it gets." Another worker looks into the camera and states that the only thing left to wait for is death.

Of course, no solution is offered by the programme. A few reformists are wheeled on to advocate land reform, but, as the speaker for the Brazilian government quite openly explained, 1 per cent of the Brazilian population own 50 per cent of all land in Brazil and that is the most profitable land; these capitalists spend £7 million each year on private armies to uphold their ownership. In the last two years 500 Brazilian workers and peasants have been murdered by the landowners because they have been prominent in advocating land reform. Who says that there is no class war going on? These are our fellow workers being murdered in it. But land reform offers no solution; nor do increased loans to peasants from the World Bank or Cuban-style state ownership. The solution is socialism — a worldwide system in which all human beings will have free access to the goods and services of our abundant planet. Seeing children die and human lives wasted in despair and women bury their families — seeing all of that not as fiction, but as the real depiction of the society we inhabit —, that is the real obscenity on our TV screens. No. don't censor it, Mr Hurd; don't protect us from seeing the sickness of the system which you and those like you uphold. Let us see. and let us do more than just see.


Update

As The People newspaper has failed to correct its crass distortion of the ideas printed in this column in the August Socialist Standard (see October's "Between The Lines" for details), a complaint has now been sent to the Press Council. Readers will be informed
(a) whether the Press Council upholds the indisputable validity of our complaint, and
(b) whether The People, if censured for its distortion, will provide equal space in its newspaper to publicise such censure as it did to convey its original distortion.
Steve Coleman


Blogger's Notes:
  • The October 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard carried an article on Michael Ryan and the Hungerford massacre written by Janie Percy-Smith.
  • There was a book tie in with the Channel 4/Yorkshire Television series The Politics of Food. The hunger machine : the politics of food by Jon Bennett and Susan George was published in 1987 by Polity Press, and is available over at Archive.org
  • There was a sneering review of the PBS/Channel 13 version of The Politics of Food by the New York Times' TV critic, John Corry, that appeared in that paper on January 6th, 1988.

Letter: Voting for socialism (1987)

Letter to the Editors from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard

Voting for socialism

Dear Editors.

After reading July's Socialist Standard I feel I must raise a few points. The "strategy" of the SPGB has always been to argue the case for socialism through propaganda and public meetings and debates, and win the "battle of ideas" so that the new society of socialism can be democratically voted in. This is exactly how you approached the General Election. In Islington, where the only socialist candidate stood, the battle was fought on the streets where literature was sold on stalls and at tube stations; in your manifesto and leaflets which were delivered to all households; in posters and stickers which clearly stated the socialist message; and at your election rally "ours was a battle of ideas". And you lost! The people of Islington were presented with the case for socialism and it was rejected, with your candidate polling fewer votes than the average loony candidate or fascist.

All this should lead socialists to ask the following questions:
  1. Do people want socialism?
  2. How do people develop a socialist consciousness?
  3. Can socialism be simply voted in?
First of all. as you know, the word socialism is often incorrectly used to describe anything from the programme of the Labour Party to the dictatorship of a Leninist state. So initially people tend to have a rather negative attitude towards socialism, but when the ideas of genuine socialism are explained, the reaction is different. Usually people can be persuaded that socialism is a good thing, but they feel that “it will never happen" or "it's a good idea but it won’t work because of human nature”. This is the problem. People who have lived under capitalism and are used to being told what to do by people "in charge" find the ideas a bit of a quantum leap from reality. They see socialism as a kind of impossible Utopia and that "in the real world” the only practical choice at election time is between the parties that have a good chance of getting in.

It is not that people are necessarily against socialism. It is just that they don’t see the socialist case as being relevant to their lives; they see it as being "pie in the sky". You can’t expect people to vote for an ideology, a set of ideas; they will only vote for something concrete and attainable.

This brings me to my second question. Where does a socialist consciousness come from? Although you may argue that most of your members attained a socialist consciousness through coming into contact with socialist argument, it must be understood that most people are not "won over" to socialism by argument alone, as you discovered in your election campaign.

The cornerstone of socialism is the principle of solidarity and mutual aid — these are natural tendencies which don’t need to be taught. Without them socialism would be impossible. However capitalism (and preceding social systems) have made people relate to each other in a different kind of co-operative way. using authority/obedience and hierarchical systems. This is sometimes referred to as “the very fabric of our society" by the traditional right wing.

When workers actively participate in strikes or various community activities they break with the normal way of behaving — they are thinking for themselves and organising themselves rather than being organised by people "in charge ”. They have taken matters into their own hands. Many strikers, despite the material hardship, say they enjoyed being on strike. In a sense they got a taste of socialism by collectively organising and distributing food and helping each other out. Also, strikers soon realise whose side the police, the legal system and the media are on.

Of course I am not saying that experience of struggle alone is going to bring workers to socialism. Workers must also understand the nature of the present system and know and understand what to put in its place and how to establish it. However I don’t think that socialism can be established by a political party — it can only come about through the mass activity of the working class. Socialism can only be established by a mass working-class movement that is politically conscious of its aims and methods and democratically organised without leadership. It must be organised throughout the workplaces and communities across the land and be linked up with similar organisations across the world. This movement must educate its members, defend workers against capitalism and ultimately organise the expropriation of wealth production and distribution.

But can’t we just simply vote for socialism and avoid a struggle? Well, first of all. if we have a world view of capitalism, how can workers in dictatorships like Chile, South Africa and Russia change society? Just because their ruling class don’t allow them to vote does it mean they can’t have socialism or that first they must fight for "democratic" capitalism?

For those of us who live under political democracies. at election time we are asked to choose which party is to become the political component of the capitalist state. The party which is elected does not really run the country, although it does have an influence within certain limits. Major decisions taken by the government are largely based on the professional advice of the civil service, which is carefully selected, permanent and not subject to democratic control.

Behind parliament and the cabinet are the other state institutions. There is the monarchy to whom state power legally belongs; there is the House of Lords which retains the right to delay Acts of Parliament. There are the armed forces — an instrument of imperialism abroad and of repression at home. There is the police and the secret police who open mail, tap phones and exercise violence in pursuit of their aims. Then, of course, we have the judiciary which hands out punishment to whom the state defines as offenders. All this is backed up by the means of persuasion — the educational system and the media.

Behind the institutions of the state are the real masters — the big capitalists and their ruling-class buddies — the top brass of the civil service, military and police chiefs. They ensure that the country is run just how the capitalist system likes it.

Do you really believe that the ruling class and their State would allow a socialist party to mess things up?

Whether we vote for socialism or not, the fact remains that only the working class can build it from a grass roots level. There will also be a struggle between the socialist majority and the minority ruling class and their supporters. This, unfortunately. will be unavoidable.
Paul
Manchester


Reply:
Our correspondent raises a number of interesting points; we shall reply in turn to the three questions he asks;

1. At present the vast majority of people indeed do not want socialism. Even those who have heard and been impressed by the socialist case too often comment that "it's a good idea but. . ." We would agree that it is important to make socialism seem relevant and attainable; we try to do this by explaining how its establishment will solve the various problems of people's lives — how it will cope with destitution, housing shortages, boring work and so on. Our recent pamphlet Socialism as a Practical Alternative contains a great deal of material on the organisation of socialism, and shows that it is not just a nice set of ideas.

2. Socialist consciousness develops in two ways. First, as a result of workers' everyday experience under capitalism, including not only their exploitation and oppression but also their cooperation and experience in trade unions, tenants' organisations and so on. Second, as a result of socialist propaganda meetings, publications, election campaigns and radio phone-ins. We entirely agree that "Socialism can only be established by a mass working-class movement that is politically conscious of its aims and methods and democratically organised without leadership": the Socialist Party is a democratic, leaderless movement.

3. Socialism can be "voted in", though it should be remembered that this will not be a simple matter of workers voting for socialism and then sitting back and waiting for it. Socialist-minded workers will need to be prepared to take over the running of factories. farms and so on. Gaining control of Parliament will give the socialist majority control over the armed forces and police and prevent their being used against us. The top civil servants and phone tappers will be in no position to "mess things up" deprived of mass support and official sanction they could do nothing to frustrate the will of the immense majority.
The Editors.

Letter: National cultures within socialism (1987)

Letter to the Editors from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard

National cultures within socialism

Dear Editors.

How pleasing it was to read Steve Coleman’s support for national cultures (though it’s true he refers to ’’local areas", a term which nationalists with whom I am in contact would not quarrel with). He would be pleased to know that there are very many on the ’’fringe" of Plaid Cymru who hold Steve Coleman's view that some nationalists do not indeed want to be dominated by capitalists, and that their nationalism arises from a desire to be masters of their own destiny, on their own patch of ground and at the same time aware of their rights and duty to society in general throughout the world. This must include a natural pride in their own contribution which can only be made by nurturing its own distinctive culture including its indigenous language. Regarding the latter, the Socialist Standard itself paid a compliment by printing an article in the Welsh language - something which did not go unnoticed by the Marxist-thinking element on the edge of Plaid Cymru. (I refer to the SS of July 1969.) Such understanding of the nature of Welsh and Scottish nationalism is to be expected of a party like the SPGB who speak of the international nature of socialism inasmuch as internationalism has no meaning without its constituent parts, ie nations.

Speaking of the Marxist influence among present Welsh nationalists. I quote Gareth Miles, a member of the Marxist "fringe" movement within Plaid Cymru, as follows: "A nation's language is part of its cultural heritage and its continuation, growth or decay depends on the social conditions prevailing”. He continues: "There is already in existence a philosophy which, if adopted, could solve the ideological problems of its nationalists — its name is socialism". This is in line with Steve’s statement about a society, local area or what you will wherein people can control their own lives or. as he puts it, "one that they can call their own".

Gareth Miles exposes the fallacious thinking within the nationalist party: "Some of the leaders of Plaid Cymru claim it to be a socialist party — that is not true. It does not look to the creation of a socialist Wales. Its aim is to fashion for Wales a more effective capitalist system than exists at present. Its policies are not different from Labour's". The Editor of Welsh Socialism emphasises this theme: "it is vital that we recognise that we are merely another part of the international capitalist economy . . . I believe that the answer. . . lies in international socialism with the establishment of a world socialist order". (The writer is an active member of the Welsh Republicans, a body which is antagonistic to what is described as loony anarchism or Stalinism.) Miles, in the pamphlet A Free Wales, points out to the Nationalists in no uncertain manner: "A government which would try to operate capitalism in a Welsh way would be a servile one to outside capitalist corporations . . . in such a crude materialistic climate every language other than a commercial language is a valueless anachronism. Profit not culture is the ideal"

While we see a measure of unanimity between Steve Coleman and spokesmen on the fringe of the Welsh nationalist party, it would be interesting to remind ourselves of other thinkers and writers of the past. One such a person was Rudolph Rocker whose manuscript Nationalism and Culture was published in English in 1937. This scholarly work explains how. in terms which pre-date Steve’s statement on the nature of nationalism, pride in one's homeland is not patriotism or love of the state but a natural love of familiar surroundings. one's friends and of a culture that has grown out of the soil. Rocker insists that the alchemy which exploits this natural feeling into a love of the state is: "One of the most grotesque phenomena of all time". (How many readers today remember Lord Baden Powell's book Scouting for Boys wherein is found a classic example of this: ”. . . be prepared to die for your country if need be. so that when the moment arrives you may charge home not caring whether you are to be killed or not".

Many present-day members of Plaid Cymru are aware that that party has equated its so-called socialism with that of the Labour Party and there is much to be grateful for that they are no longer hoodwinked. The pamphlet. Welsh Socialism. asks the question "Who will formulate a revolutionary policy for us?” and answers it by saying "Who but you and me?". In other words the thinking is that of Clause 5 of the SPGB. ie "The emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class itself. There is. it seems to me. much hope inasmuch as the republican/Marxism element of Plaid Cymru can state openly: ". . . the answer lies in international socialism and the establishment of a world socialist order”. It seems to me that workers holding such a view can no longer afford to fight the class struggle in isolated political boxes.

Steve Coleman invites all workers by saying: ". . . let us unite as a class". A great idea! Would he agree that a class is but an economic concept and as such the skeleton of production for use must be clothed with the rich and diverse cultures of the world s ethnic/national/regional groups, if life is to be lived to the full?

In the present worldwide uniformity of the capitalist "blanket" we have reached the position where the only cultural forms which are "pushed" are those which are tied to profit-making. "Big is beautiful ”, is the philosophy and small organisations (and indeed nations) must fare as best they can. Welsh people know this to their cost and one would suppose that the SPGB in its day-to-day struggle against the overwhelming propaganda of the capitalist machine also knows it.
"Gyfaill"
Cwmdeall, Trecynnon 


Reply:
Socialists are opposed to all nationalism: the workers of the world have no country. As our correspondent recognises, there is a difference between political nationalism and the desire of people to retain or revive their own cultural traditions and identities.

Our correspondent is mistaken in suggesting that the difference between national cultures and regional cultures is of merely pedantic significance. While socialists support fully the aims of our fellow workers who wish to live in particular localities in cultural conditions which are not imposed upon them from without, we are opposed totally to those who seek to establish "national cultures ”. To take Wales as an example, we have little doubt that within a socialist society many Welsh people will choose to use their own, native language and to maintain Welsh traditions of living. Those who decide to develop their cultural Welshness will not be discriminated against for so doing or denied free access to the common store of social goods and services, even if they constitute a very small minority. But they will not be living their culture within a nation called Wales, for, like all other nations, that country will not exist. In a world socialist society there will be no national frontiers, there will be no presiding states. Rather than there being a single Wales, embodying its own national culture, which is what nationalists aim to achieve, a socialist society will respect the various local cultures which exist within the administrative territory which is now lumped together as Wales. Socialists are aware of the danger which nationalism poses of creating new states which then impose their own national cultures, often at the expense of local cultures which are then discriminated against. For example, would a new Scottish state, so desired by the SNP, impose the cultural norms of urban industrial Scottish capitalists upon rural highlanders? Would a united Palestine under the PLO be tolerant towards ethnic minorities within a new Palestinian state? Under capitalism, with its national powers, we have every reason to believe that the gain of the right to a national culture for some will mean cultural oppression for others who lack economic power. The case of the Eskimo minority in Greenland is instructive. The Eskimo language is called by three different names, depending upon whether you live in Canada (where it is called Inukitut). Alaska (Inupit) or Greenland (Kalaalisut). In Greenland, where books in Eskimo language are published with government funding, the Eskimos’ main complaint is the destruction of their linguistic culture by Danish and English. But in Canada and Alaska the Eskimos have an additional grievance: most books published in Greenland are inaccessible to them because they are written in Kalaalisut. This shows how absurd it would be for capitalism to attempt to create some kind of "right” for a single Eskimo culture to exist. In a socialist society the world's 100.000 Eskimos will not only be able to live their own cultures if they so choose, but will be free to do so in accordance with local variations.

The Socialist Party does not stand for international socialism, but world socialism. In a socialist society there will be no nations to unite.

We are pleased to be alerted to the existence of people on the fringes of Welsh nationalism who recognise the capitalist outcome of a Welsh nation, the anti-socialist nature of the Labour Party and the need for workers to emancipate themselves without leaders We look forward to talking with such people, but under no circumstances would we compromise our hostility to all nationalist movements. and nor can we see any possible future for such people within a party which is fighting a losing battle to create yet another rotten capitalist state. 
The Editors.

Letter: Laying down the law to the unions (1987)

Letter to the Editors from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard

Laying down the law to the unions

Dear Sirs.

In the Socialist Standard. July 1987, in an article on trade unions, the following paragraph appeared:
Those who predict the permanent decline of the trade unions also have a lot to say about the anti-union legislation of the Thatcher government. They overlook the fact that, with one exception, the same and worse has happened before and the unions have known how to survive. The one exception is the Act which requires unions to have ballots for the election of officers and ballots for taking strike action. Along with the need for ballots before any strike settlement is agreed to. these are measures which the unions, ought, in the interests of their members, to have adopted anyway.
In your September issue, in another article on trade unions, the following appears:
Since the Conservatives were returned to office in 1979 they have introduced legislation to restrict the ability of trade unionists to take action to defend and improve their living standards.
The article goes on to cite restrictive legislation in the 1980 and 1982 Employment Acts and continues in the same vein: "The 1984 Trade Union Act made it compulsory to hold secret ballots for union elections, strike decisions and political funds. The new Conservative Administration is committed to further repressive legislation". The article points to Green Paper proposals for legislation enabling "members . . . to be able to prevent unions calling for industrial action unless they have won majority support in a ballot. Union ballots will have to be fully postal, independently supervised and to apply to the election of union presidents and general secretaries".

As you claim in a reply to a letter in the same issue, the Socialist Standard provides a forum for discussion of ideas about life in capitalist society, I look forward to reading the discussion you will no doubt wish to publish on whether this proposed legislation is "repressive", or "something which the unions ought, in the interests of their members, to have adopted anyway".
(Name and address supplied)


Reply:
In considering the trade union legislation enacted by the Thatcher government it is important to distinguish between the government's intentions and the consequences of the new laws. Looked at in this way it becomes quite clear that what the government has consistently tried to achieve is restrictions on the power of trade unions. This is quite obvious in relation to some of the new laws (ie restrictions on secondary picketing, powers to sequestrate union funds) but perhaps less obvious in relation to the laws regarding the holding of ballots. Despite all the rhetoric about democracy, the government's intention in compelling unions to ballot their members was. once again, to reduce union power by making it less likely that strikes would take place. It is the government's belief that trade union members are less militant than their leaders and that this more conservative view would prevail if there was greater internal union democracy. The same kind of thinking is evident in the latest proposals contained in the government's Green Paper which, if enacted, will strengthen the position of individual strike breakers against their union thus undermining the most important source of trade union strength solidarity.

The Socialist Party's position is that there should be maximum democracy within trade unions but that the government has no place in imposing it on trade unions. The moves towards greater union democracy would be far more welcome if they had been demanded by union members themselves rather than being legislated for by a government committed to reducing the power of trade unions. Finally it is perhaps worth mentioning the hollowness of Tory rhetoric about democracy by pointing out that trade unions are, in fact, fairly democratic organisations. Indeed they are models of democracy when compared to the companies. corporations and public institutions they oppose in their battle to maintain workers’ pay and conditions.
The Editors.

SPGB Islington Branch Weekend Conference: Music and Politics (1987)

Party News from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard 





Blogger's Note:
There must be a recording of this weekend conference. If there is, it should be on the SPGB website.

There were a number of musicians in the Islington Branch of the SPGB at this time, so this event makes sense.

SPGB Meetings (1987)

Party News from the November 1987 issue of the Socialist Standard 




Blogger's Notes:
Too many meetings and, sadly, not enough space in the label section to include every speaker and every branch. 

I can't believe there isn't a recording of the debate with Lady Olga Maitland but it isn't in the audio section of the SPGB website, so who knows? However, there is an audio recording of an earlier debate with Lady Olga  - on a different subject - that dates from 1984 which is on the Party website:
NO – Steve Coleman (SPGB)
YES – Lady Olga Maitland, (Women and Families for Defence)
Venue: Central Library, Islington
Date: 19th January 1984
There was also a written report of that meeting in the February 1984 issue of the Socialist Standard.

With regards to Bristol Branch's meeting, where Keith Graham spoke on the subject of the Battle of Democracy: Marx vs Lenin, Graham wrote a book with that same title, which was reviewed in the November 1986 issue of the Socialist Standard.

Wednesday, November 4, 2026

This Month's Quotation: Socialist (1934)

The Front Page quote from the November 1934 issue of the Socialist Standard
"Wage slavery is a passing phase of social development, but it will pass only when the workers are ready to speed it away."

A Vain Sacrifice (1934)

From the November 1934 issue of the Socialist Standard

In February last the Austrian Social Democrats, faced with the destruction of their organisations and with the loss of their control of Vienna and other municipalities, tried to resist by armed force and a general strike the onslaught of the forces directed by the Government. In a brief but ferocious period of civil war, and in spite of their heroic resistance they were crushed. In addition to the loss of life in the fighting itself, they are now paying the penalty of defeat in prison, concentration camp and exile.

In the Socialist Standard for March we paid our tribute to the Austrian workers for their courage and tenacity, while pointing out that they were fighting an unnecessary battle. In that and the following issue of the Socialist Standard attention was drawn to the fact that various groups of workers in Spain were marching on the same road to a similar destruction. Early in October the Spanish revolt began. Within a few days it was apparent to those who led the workers into it that the attempt had failed, although towards the end of the month some isolated bands were still holding out, without any hope but that of selling their lives dearly. The bravery of the Spanish workers has availed them nothing.

Blind to what happened in Vienna and has happened almost invariably when this method has been tried, Spanish workers’ organisations attempted to overthrow the Spanish Government by armed revolt and a general strike. The failure was as pitiful as in Austria, although the cost in human life is likely to be far greater. The rigid Press censorship makes it impossible so far to give full figures, but reports from Oviedo indicate that in that province alone—the centre of the coal and iron industries—upwards of 3,000 people have been killed. (See Sunday Express, October 21st.). Some estimates place the figure as high as 10,000. Large numbers of rebels have been shot after capture, and other executions are threatened. The general strike was broken and the armed workers were everywhere smashed by the overwhelming might of the State forces. All the most modern and destructive weapons were used by the Government, including artillery, tanks, gas, and bombing planes. As was inevitable, the number and power of the arms of the rebel forces were small in comparison with those of the Government.

The occasion of the revolt was the inclusion of three Catholics in a reconstructed Cabinet. Representing reactionary political groups, they were widely believed, like similar groups in Austria, to be heading for the restoration of the exiled monarchy, the creation of a Fascist State, the destruction of the Trade Unions, etc. Rather than wait for this, the Spanish Socialist Party (a reformist body, similar to the typical Labour Party) joined hands with Syndicalists and Communists to defend the Republic. Parallel with this working-class movement was a strong regionalist opposition to the centralising policy of the Madrid Government. Some of the provinces, particularly the industrial and commercial province of Catalonia, strongly objected to the Central Government’s policy, which aimed at depriving them of the measure of regional autonomy they had achieved under the Republic.

From a working class and Socialist standpoint the revolt was a piece of criminal irresponsibility. The overwhelming majority of Spanish electors are not Socialist, and do not understand or desire Socialism. What is more, they have shown with increasing force at each election since the overthrow of Alfonso that they do not want Labourites, Syndicalists or Communists. Allowing for every possibility of faked election figures, the votes given to these groups represent only a small minority of the votes given to openly capitalist parties, republican and royalist. For the leaders of these minority groups to try to seize power in such circumstances is sheer folly, irresponsible gambling with workers’ lives. If, as is usual, such an attempt fails, there follows a period—possibly extending to many years—of savage repression. In the unlikely event of success in seizing control of the machinery of Government the outcome in the long run is even more disastrous for the working class and for the Socialist movement. No minority, whether in Spain, Russia, Austria or anywhere else, can impose Socialism on a hostile or apathetic majority. Forced, therefore, to abandon the idea of introducing Socialism, the new rulers sooner or later accommodate themselves to the job of administering capitalism. Finding power sweet they develop the century-old technique of intrigue, deception, bribery, and arbitrary violence in order to keep themselves in power. Unable to give the reality of Socialism they learn a new propaganda, which consists, crudely put, of calling the unregenerate capitalism by a new name—Socialism.

Knowing this the Socialist Party of Great Britain refuses in any circumstances to countenance the policy of minority armed revolt. That road does not lead to Socialism. In truth it leads nowhere, for workers who head that way must sooner or later retrace their steps if they are to play their part in achieving Socialism.
Edgar Hardcastle

Austrian Workers’ Tragic Heroism (1934)

From the March 1934 issue of the Socialist Standard

Workers all over the world have been moved to admiration by the heroic resistance of the Austrian workers, fighting in defence of their trade union and political organisations. These men were organised in a party to which we are opposed, a party whose policy we know to be wrong, but that should not, and does not, prevent us from welcoming the spirit in which they defended themselves. Their conduct is a proof that the working class can produce men and movements as tenacious, and possessed of as much endurance and integrity, as anything the ruling class can show, despite the manifold advantages of their position.

The fighting in Austria began on Monday morning, February 12th, at Linz, where, according to the official account, Social Democrats resisted with rifle-fire a move by police and Heimwehr to occupy their head-quarters. On the previous day the Heimwehr – the armed organisation of Anti-Hitler Fascists – after frequent conferences with Dr. Dollfuss, in whose government they are strongly represented, had decided upon the dissolution of all municipal councils controlled by the Social Democrats (including the Council of Vienna), and on the suppression of the Social Democratic Party. The Social Democrats were well aware that their hour had come; they must either yield without resistance, or face the whole power of the State and the Heimwehr. The attack had long been threatening and the Social Democrats had prepared for it months ago by notifying all members and branches that in any one of several eventualities (e.g. an attempt by the Government to occupy the Vienna City Hall), all members and branches were to take the initiative of a general strike without awaiting further instructions. This was to prevent the Party and the trade unions from being disorganised by a sudden seizure of their headquarters and the arrest of their officials.

Immediately the news came of the events in Linz the leaders in Vienna met to consider their course of action. They were only too well aware of the military weakness of the workers in face of the armed force at the disposal of the Government, and were in favour of waiting until the Government made a further declaration of policy, expected that day, regarding the Heimwehr threat to the municipal councils. However, for reasons which will be explained later, the workers were no longer prepared to accept the advice of the Executive Committee of the Social Democratic Party. They took the initiative themselves. Trams, trains, newspapers, a large number of factories, and the electric light and gas plants were brought to a standstill, but the strike was not by any means general.

The Government had all its plans ready and promptly declared martial law. It seized the City Hall, arrested Social Democratic leaders, and commenced a powerful attack on the barricades, trenches, blocks of flats, and other buildings which the workers’ defence corps (declared illegal a year ago) had occupied. The defence corps retreated from the centre of the city to working-class quarters, where they hoped to be able to defend themselves.

The workers were terribly hampered by the Government’s full control of communications. Different areas even of Vienna were completely isolated by troops. The workers inside these areas had no means of communicating with those outside owing to the military barriers and the seizure of the telephones. The Government was thus able to make the fullest use of wireless broadcasting as a means of discouraging and dividing the workers. They hit upon the clever scheme of broadcasting the deliberate lie that Bauer and Deutsch, two prominent leaders, had fled to safety in Czecho-Slovakia. The effect of this on the Social Democrats can be well imagined. The workers at Linz tried in vain to seize the broadcasting station. The workers were also hampered by the arrest the previous week of local leaders of the Workers’ Defence Corps, and by shortage of even light arms and ammunition – the Government had been confiscating these steadily during the past year.

That the workers had arms in their possession at all is a sufficiently unusual circumstance to require explanation.

In most cases the arms were those brought home at the end of the war when the army supported the Republican overthrow of the Monarchy. It is stated that some other arms and munitions were smuggled from abroad in recent months. The Social Democrats had no artillery, only rifles, machine-guns, and some hand-grenades, while the army, the police, the Heimwehr, and other Government-armed bodies, were immeasurably better equipped. Without any loss of time they began the assault on the workers’ strongholds in various parts of Vienna and other towns with field-guns, howitzers, armoured cars and armoured trains. From all accounts the Government used aeroplanes only for purposes of observation, and one newspaper report states that, at Linz, two aeroplanes were even used by the Social Democrats to distribute propaganda leaflets.

Heavy fighting went on not only in the Capital, but in Linz, Steyr, Graz, Innsbruck, and other provincial centres. Women took part in the defence as well as men, and a number were killed.

For four days and nights the fighting continued with terrible losses on the workers’ side. Hour after hour their barricades and the buildings they occupied were smashed and blown up by artillery. It was not sentiment, but the provisions of the Peace Treaty which deprived the attackers of heavy artillery, or the destruction would have been even worse. These politicians, with Christian and patriotic phrases on their lips, released this inferno on their own Austrian fellow citizens, men, women and children, during a time of peace. The gallant military men placed artillery in position to fire on the tenement houses in which there were women, children, and bedridden persons, and opened fire without giving them an opportunity to escape. They had taken the precaution, too, to place their artillery at a safe distance – out of range of the rifles and machine guns of the Social Democrats.

The Government was probably surprised by the vigour of the defence, which, perhaps, explains their declaration on the opening day of the struggle that they had it well under control. On the other hand, this may have been a deliberate lie, like many other statements they issued. The Social Democrats gained some minor successes here and there for a time, but only before the full strength of the Government forces had been brought to bear. Never at any time had the Social Democrats the slightest chance of success, unless backed up by a revolt in the regular army. This was rumoured, but falsely. (The one English newspaper which gave colour to reports of a Social Democratic victory – The Daily Herald – was the journal which, a few months since, was hailing Dollfuss as the defender of democracy!) The struggle was not even a forlorn hope, for there never was any ground for hope.

It was a desperate and spontaneous decision to be crushed fighting rather than to be crushed without that gesture of defiance. As one Social Democratic leader wrote in Vienna during the struggle, it was, in effect, an unequal battle between “old rifles and a few cartridges” on the one side, and artillery and machine-guns on the other. Prince Starhemberg, Heimwehr Commander, himself commented on the poor equipment and deficient military leadership of his Social Democratic opponents. He said that at Linz, the workers had only rifles, 15 machine-guns, and a few hand-grenades – no match at all for trained troops with artillery and abundant ammunition and small arms. (The Prince expressed his profound admiration for the courage of his defeated opponents, and nobly tempered his class hatred by hoping that the captured leaders would be shot instead of hanged!)

One lie needs to be nailed, that is the Dollfuss Government’s defence that it was resisting a plot to seize power.

True it is that the Party and the trade unions had determined beforehand to try to resist suppression, but there is not the slightest evidence to support the Dollfuss story. So ludicrous was it that several correspondents of British newspapers went out of their way to expose it.

For example, Mr, John Segrue, special correspondent of the News-Chronicle in Vienna, says (February 17th):
“Vice-Chancellor Fey …. organised the plan that goaded the workers into resistance. Last Sunday, in a speech at Strebersdors, near Vienna, he told the Heimwehr that Dr. Dollfuss was “one of them,” and added that he intended to begin work in earnest against his enemies on the following day, …. the workers’ movement was one of resistance, not of “rebellion.” ”
The Editor of the Economist (February 17th) takes a similar view. So plainly was this the case that the Times, in an editorial on February 13th, openly regretted that the Heirnwehr had succeeded in preventing Dollfuss from coming to an arrangement with the Social Democrats.

The cold-blooded nature of the attack on the workers, organised and planned by the Government and the Heimwehr, can be seen from the fact that, on February 9th (i.e., three days before the attack began), Leopold Kunschak, leader of the Christian Social Party on the Vienna Municipal Council, proposed that his party (that is Dollfuss’s own party) should collaborate with the Social Democratic Party in order to avoid a continuance of the inflammable situation then existing throughout the country. This was at once agreed to by Dr. Danneberg, speaking for the Social Democrats, and by the Social Democratic Mayor of Vienna, Karl Seitz.

Instead of accepting the proposal, Dr. Dollfuss hastily gave a press interview, on February 10th, brushing it aside and proclaiming the Government’s intention to carry out “unchanged” the plans it had made. Major Fey repeated this.

Dr. Dollfuss deliberately refused even to meet representatives of the Social Democratic Party – the largest single party in Austria – while the fighting was in progress, although he knew they wished to arrange a peaceable settlement, subject only to the Party and the trade unions not being suppressed. Dr. Dollfuss and Major Fey had decided that workers’ blood must be spilled and wantonly went on with their plans to bombard the blocks of flats with artillery.

The Penalty of Defeat
What price the Austrian workers have paid, and have yet to pay, for their armed resistance it is impossible to say. Estimates of the deaths among the defenders vary from a few hundreds to nearly 2,000. Dr. Dollfuss says only 241, but this may be another piece of propaganda, no more reliable than the official broadcasts during the fight. A number of executions have taken place, and imprisonments and confinements in concentration camps are expected on a wholesale scale. Also the Dollfuss Government has declared the trade unions and Social Democratic Party illegal (this was expected, anyway) and, with the capitalists’ notorious disregard for the rights of the workers to any little property they may possess, has confiscated the funds and premises of the suppressed organisations. He has also imitated Hitler down to the last dishonesty of stealing the workers’ paper, the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and continuing its publication under the same name, but by nominees of his own, and carrying on propaganda for his party.

If the executions have not been as numerous as intended by the victors, this is due to the protests by foreign ambassadors. That Christian gentleman, Major Fey, promised “hangings all over Austria,” and celebrated the victory of his troops by engaging more hangmen.

The first prisoner who was hanged was badly wounded – which outraged some of the foreign newspaper correspondents. They might, however, have recalled the similar execution of James Connolly in Dublin, in 1916, at the hands of the British Government.

Before dealing with the events which brought the Social Democrats to their present position, it will be useful to explain some of the parties and forces operating in Austria.

Parties and Forces in Austria
The Government is a coalition between the Christian Social Party (Dr. Dollfuss, Chancellor), the Fascist Heimwehr (Major Fey, Vice-Chancellor) and certain smaller groups. Major Fey is Commander of the regular army and police and works in close co-operation with Prince Starhemberg, who commands the Heimwehr, an officially-supported party-army upwards of 40,000 strong and practically equal to regular troops.

The Christian Social Party is strongly Catholic, and is composed largely of peasants, but with a fairly strong working class wing. The peasant element of the Christian Social Party and the so-called “Middle class” in the towns, lean towards the Fascist Heimwehr, while its working class wing and the poorer peasants were disposed to co-operate with the Social Democrats in the defence of Parliament and the Republic.

The Heimwehr declares itself frankly Fascist, differing from Hitler only on two points, opposition to Nazi doctrines about Aryan racial superiority and opposition to Austria being united with Germany. The Heimwehr are financed and supported by Italy.

Then there are the Nazis, financed and supported from Germany, who want union with Germany.

Both Heimwehr and Nazis, and the Heimwehr sympathisers in the Christian Social Party, favour suppression of the trade unions, and the abolition of Parliamentary Government.

At the 1930 General Election the Christian Socials obtained 35 per cent, of the votes, the Social Democrats 43 per cent., leaving only a small minority of votes to be divided among the Landbund (a small agrarian party supporting Dollfuss) and the Heimwehr and other small groups.

With the rise of Hitler in Germany the Christian Socials have lost heavily both to the Heimwehr and to the Nazis, and at the Provincial elections in 1932 their vote in Vienna was only 20 per cent., compared with 60 per cent given to the Social Democrats. The latter are a reformist party based on the trade unions and having a programme rather like that of the I.L.P. a few years ago, but dressed up in more Marxian terms and showing a somewhat better grasp of the workers’ position. Their conception of Socialism does not go beyond State control of banks, industry, etc. The Social Democrats have their chief strength in Vienna and provincial towns, but are weak in rural areas. They, too, have lost some support to the Nazis in recent months.

Owing to the weakening position of the Christian Socials and the growing strength of the Heimwehr and Nazis (both threatening and preparing for armed revolt with foreign aid – from Italy and Germany respectively), Dolfuss has had to look for support outside his party. At one moment a year ago it seemed as if he might be willing to follow the advice of the democratic wing of his party and seek Social Democratic support. Whether he intended to do so or not, and whether if he did, it was ever more than a manoeuvre directed to crushing them later, it is impossible to say. In any event, the Social Democrats were in a difficult position. If they supported Dollfuss they feared losing the confidence of the more independent groups of workers.

Dollfuss decided, however, to turn to the Heimwehr, who, although weak in voting strength (perhaps 20 per cent. of the votes) are strong in arms due to Italy’s support.

Among the economic factors influencing the parties are the following. The peasants have been hit by falling prices and demand lower taxation and lower wages, ends which they hoped to achieve by crushing the Social Democratic Party and the trade unions. Hotel keepers and others dependent on tourist traffic, particularly near the German frontier, favour the Nazis, because union with Germany, or, at any rate, a cessation of the present strained relations with Germany, would restore to them the German tourist traffic at present prevented by .the German Government. Army officers and ex-army officers, and many groups of professional workers, look hopefully to a restoration of the monarchy as a provider of jobs – they therefore support the monarchist groups in the Heimwehr and Christian Social Party. As an offset to Germany’s bait of restored tourist traffic, the Government and the Heimwehr are trying to arrange Italo-Austrian-Hungarian commercial and customs treaties.

The working-class supporters of the Christian-Socials and the Nazis are to a considerable extent attracted simply by the promise of jobs and promotion. Quite a large part was played by this factor in the Fascist movement in Italy and the Nazi movement in Germany. Unemployed and other workers join these movements because they are promised appointment to Government and other posts rendered vacant by the dismissal of Social Democrats when once the Fascists get power. Dollfuss has been pursuing this line busily during the past year and thousands of dismissals are now taking place.

One factor which may prove of some importance, but is of minor importance now, is that Dollfuss is trying to strengthen three other small armed militias in order to lessen his dependence on the Heimwehr. It remains to be seen whether he will succeed or whether the Christian Socials will be gradually pushed aside by their Heimwehr allies under the pressure of the efforts of the Nazis to set up a pro-Hitler dictatorship.

Many observers, including two principal leaders of the Social Democratic Party, anticipate that the violent suppression of their party and the trade unions will drive many former Social Democrats over to the Nazis.

The ironical position has arisen that the Nazi Movement in Germany is broadcasting appeals to the Austrian workers to rally round Hitler as the defender of Socialism and of the working class against the brutal tyranny of Dollfuss and the Heimwehr!

In spite of the Russian Government’s pose that it is the defender of the working class everywhere, it appears to have maintained an attitude of “correct diplomatic neutrality.”

The Social Democrats
Let us now attempt to weigh up the weak points of the Social Democrats’ position.

The first point to notice is that the Social Democratic Party in Austria was a reformist party, although superior in many respects to its counterparts in Germany and England. Its supporters have been won by its programme of reform demands and by its efforts to carry them out (for example, its large-scale housing schemes in Vienna). It has itself helped to encourage the propaganda for union with Germany, which has lately caused it to lose some of its support to the second of the two Fascist movements, the Nazi movement.

From 1918 onwards, until last year, one plank in the official programme of the Social Democrats and of the trade unions was to seek union with Germany. On the rise of Hitler this point was suddenly dropped, but no organised movement can escape the consequences of years of mistaken activity by suddenly renouncing it. Many workers who had been encouraged to believe that unity with Germany mattered, have continued to believe it – going over to the ranks of the Nazis. Then, again, the Social Democrats supported the War and took part in the Coalition Governments of the early post-war years, co-operating to stabilise the capitalist republic – with some of the very people who have crushed them now that their help is no longer needed.

Lastly, being built up on the confused doctrines of reformism instead of on a clear understanding of Socialist principles, the Social Democratic Party found itself faced with a dilemma from which there was no escape. The leaders have for years preached the need to strive for so-called practical, every-day reforms, as stepping-stones to a distant Socialism. But in order to justify this position they had also to claim that the achievements were in themselves of great value. They had to tell their followers that the housing schemes of Vienna, and the various other little gains and liberties, were vital inroads into capitalism and must be defended at all costs. Consequently, when the Government finally made a frontal attack on the Vienna Council the Social Democrats had either to fight or else admit that these things were not worth fighting for. To do the latter meant renouncing the doctrines of a lifetime of propaganda, and was unthinkable. Yet the fact remains that it is not worth while for a workers’ movement to go down in suicidal glory for the sake of the nominal control of part of the machinery of local government.

Neither in Austria nor anywhere else have the workers’ organisations made any serious inroads into capitalist control. The only way of doing so is for a party solidly based on Socialist knowledge and conviction to gain control of the machinery of Government, national and local, including the armed forces. Attempts by a minority to seize power by force of arms against those who control the Government and the armed forces, or attempts to resist the Government, are always foredoomed to failure except in the rare and exceptional event of the armed forces themselves going over to the workers. Therefore, a workers’ movement which understood the nature of power would never get itself in the false position occupied by the Social Democrats. It would never imagine that it had crippled capitalism and overawed the ruling class when in reality it had only been invited into a nominal share of the Government in order to tide over a period of transition during which the capitalists were not sure of their grip on the situation.

Then again, a well-grounded movement would never have cherished the illusion that Austrian workers could ignore the Great Powers and the neighbouring countries. Austria is the cockpit where Italy and Germany are fighting out their commercial and territorial rivalries, with France, England and Czecho-Slovakia also playing a hand. It has long been said that France for various reasons had exacted a pledge from Dollfuss that he would not suppress the trade unions and Social Democrats, and it is certainly curious that the attack on them followed sharply after the overthrow of Daladier’s Government in France.

Italy, as a result of the peace treaties, had gained much territory and had pushed Austria-Hungary – Germany’s close, ally – off the Adriatic Sea. If Germany were now to absorb the much-diminished Austria, a German drive towards the Adriatic would again have to be feared by Italy, not to mention the likelihood that Germany would seek to regain the .German-speaking territories taken by Italy from Austria. In this situation the Italian Government supplies money and arms to the Heimwehr, and is alleged recently to have promised Dollfuss unlimited support against the Austrian Nazis, on condition that he first smashed the Social Democrats and trade unions. Dollfuss, as abject a figure as MacDonald, has carried out his part of the bargain.

Against the armed forces of the Government, backed up by foreign powers, the Austrian Social Democrats, becoming weaker in numbers, and weaker even in the matter of small arms, under the constant Government searches and confiscations, had no defence. The international trade union and labour movement was helpless to do more than pass resolutions and now to collect a little money for the victims.

Realising the hopelessness of armed resistance, the Social Democratic leaders urged the workers to ignore the Government’s deliberate attempts to provoke them, and tried to play for time. Again and again they offered conditional support to Dollfuss and offered to give up their arms if he would disarm the Heimwehr. Their very willingness to give Dollfuss no excuse was one of the factors which made the workers’ weak forces still weaker at the final clash, for, as a Social Democratic Leader explains in the Press report issued by the ” Labour and Socialist International ” (February 18th), many workers became very dissatisfied with the executive’s attitude. When, therefore, on February 12th, the executive again counselled delay, the workers acted on their own initiative, thus losing what advantage there would have been in a more unanimous action, and giving Dollfuss a slight tactical advantage in the chance to argue that he was resisting a plot to seize power.

The truth is, as was pointed out in these columns in June, 1933, when dealing with the Austrian situation, that a party which struggles for a series of reforms is bound to be divided at the moment of crisis – those on one side counselling another coalition in order to safeguard the reforms already won, while those on the other side urge independence and resistance. It was true, then, as we said, that the Austrians faced a problem to which there was no solution. A better understanding among the Austrian workers could not have turned defeat into victory, but it would have prevented the illusion being held that armed resistance was a practicable possibility. They would have realised the hard but inescapable truth that the first step is to win a majority, and that, when that is done, there is still no road to Socialism except through the control of the machinery of Government, including the armed forces, and that the Socialist movement must be organised internationally.

We admire the great courage of the Austrian workers and only regret that they should have been in a position in which such heavy sacrifices were demanded without the possibility of commensurate achievements.
Edgar Hardcastle

Letter: Marx and the Political Machinery (1934)

Letter to the Editors from the November 1934 issue of the Socialist Standard

A correspondent writes querying our interpretation of the view held by Marx about obtaining control of the political machinery.

To the Editorial Committee,
Socialist Standard,
42, Great Dover Street, S.E.1.

Dear Sirs,

In the Socialist Library, No. 11, ” The S.P.G.B. and Questions of the Day,” on page 52, occurs.: —
“The significance …. is the one Marx so constantly stressed, viz., the need to gain control of the political machinery.”
Query: In what work or works of Marx does he stress anything of the sort? Is there even one instance ? Let alone ”constant” stressing!
Yours, etc.,
John Hawkins.


Reply:
Readers who are not familiar with the issue raised by this letter may find some explanation useful.

The S.P.G.B. holds that in order to achieve Socialism the Socialist majority will have to gain control of the political machinery. Our Declaration of Principles covers this point in the clause which follows: —
“That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organise consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic.”
We know that this is the road to Socialism, and the only road to Socialism, because our every-day experience of the workings of capitalism shows us this beyond the possibility of doubt. Given the other requisite for the building up of Socialism, a majority of Socialists politically organised, conquest of the powers of Government will be the deciding factor. Without it the working class will still be unable to impose the form of social organisation they desire. Every movement which has ignored this truth, and has acted on the assumption, whether explicit or implied, that the State power can be disregarded, has come to disaster. This is true, whether the movement had Socialism as its objective or any other.

In the pamphlet to which our correspondent refers we were illustrating the truth of our case from the experience of the Bolsheviks in Russia. We show (“The S.P.G.B. and Questions of the Day,” Chapter XI) that the Bolsheviks were helpless until they came into control of the political machinery of the Russian State. Until they did that they were not able to carry out the wishes of the discontented non-Socialist masses of workers and peasants who stood behind them.

It must be emphasised that the S.P.G.B. bases its case on the facts of the situation in which we find ourselves. That is the final test of this and every other part of the Socialist case. We are vastly indebted to Marx and Engels for their work in helping us to a proper appreciation of the facts, but it is not our contention in this or any other question that a certain view is the correct one simply because Marx or Engels, or anyone else, held that view. Nevertheless, we do claim that this clause of our Declaration of Principles is in line with the general views of Marx and Engels as to the need to gain control of the political machinery, and we consider that the fact that they did hold this view entitles it to very serious consideration, quite apart from the lessons of experience gained since they died.

The following passages from the writings of Marx and Engels show clearly that this was their view.
Marx and Engels—1847.
”We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy.”—(Marx and Engels, “Communist Manifesto,” 1847, Whitehead Library Edition, p. 39.)

Engels—1850.
“The working classes will have learned by experience that no lasting benefit whatever can be obtained for them by others, but that they must obtain it themselves by conquering, first of all, political power. They must see now that under no circumstances have they any guarantee for bettering their social position unless by Universal Suffrage, which would enable them to send a Majority of Working Men in the House of Commons.”
”The Ten Hours Question,” by F. Engels (page 376, The Democratic Review, March, 1850).

Marx—1852.
“But universal suffrage is the equivalent for political power for the working class of England, where the proletariat form the large majority of the population, where, in a long, though underground, civil war, it has gained a clear consciousness of its position as a class, and where even the rural districts know no longer any peasants, but landlords, industrial Capitalists (farmers) and hired labourers. The carrying of universal suffrage in England would, therefore, be a far more Socialistic measure than anything which has been honoured with that name on the Continent.

“Its inevitable result here, is the political supremacy of the working class.”
(From an article on the Chartists, by Marx, New York Tribune, August 25th, 1852, quoted in Labour Monthly, August, 1929.)
Marx— 1871
In the “Civil War in France” (Chapter III, p. 70, New York Labor News Co., 1920) Marx quoted with approval the following declaration of the Central Committee of the Paris workers in the Commune of 1871 : —
“They have understood that it is their imperious duty and their absolute right to render themselves masters of their own destinies by seizing upon the governmental power.”
Engels—1883.
Engels, on April 18th, 1883, one month after the death of Marx, wrote a letter to Van Patten, Secretary of the American Section of the International. It was published last winter by the Marx-Lenin Institute, and was reproduced in the Adelphi (London, June, 1934).
“But it has always been our view that in order to achieve this aim [the withering away of the State] and other far more important objectives of the social revolution, the working class must first take possession of the organised political power of the State, and with its aid stamp out the opposition of the capitalist class and organise society anew…..

“The Anarchists turn things upside down. They declare that the proletarian revolution must begin by abolishing the political organisation of the State. But the only organisation which the proletariat, after its victory, finds ready at its disposal is just the State. This State may need considerable changes before it is fitted for its new functions. But to destroy it at that moment were to destroy the only organism by means of which the victorious proletariat could use its newly-acquired power to suppress its capitalist opponents and to carry through that economic revolution of society without which victory must end in renewed defeat and mass-slaughter of the workers, like those after the Paris Commune. Need you my expressed assurance that Marx opposed this anarchist idiocy from the first day it was hatched by Bakunin ?”
(Engels to Van Patten, April 18th, 1883. “Marx-Engels’ Briefe an Dritte,” p. 295.)
Lenin and Tom Mann.
The above passages show what were the views of Marx and Engels. It is also interesting to notice that the teachings of these men and the lessons of experience were not wholly without effect on some of the leaders of the Communist Parties in the present day, although the two individuals referred to below were by no means consistent in their attitude.

Lenin, in his “State and Revolution” (which bears the sub-title, “Marxist Teaching on the State and the task of the Proletariat in the Revolution”) wrote : —
“The proletariat needs the State, the centralised organisation of force and violence, both for the purpose of crushing the resistance of the exploiters and for the purpose of guiding the great mass of the population—the peasantry, the lower middle-class, the semi-proletariat—in the work of economic Socialist reconstruction.” (Published by the B.S.P., October, 1919, p. 30.)
Mr. Tom Mann, who used to hold strong views about the uselessness of controlling the political machinery, wrote as follows in 1922: —
” . . . the experience of the war and after the war has shown conclusively that we can no longer think simply of an industrial struggle, and industrial organisation is not enough. Whatever is done by industrial organisation, the organised State machine will continue to function, and will beyond question be used by the plutocracy in any and every available form against the workers. The dominant ruling class, the plutocracy, have complete control of that highly efficient machine for class purposes ; the interests of the community are ever secondary to the maintenance of power by the master class, and that machine will continue to be theirs until it is wrested from them by the workers.” (Labour Monthly, October, l922. Italics ours.)
Ed. Comm.

Where the Labour Parties Fail (1934)

From the November 1934 issue of the Socialist Standard


In the first article we had described the organisational campaign carried on by the “Socialisation” groups inside the Australian Labour Party. They had succeeded in forming a complete organisation which, while sketchy in parts, practically amounted to a party within a party. The leaders realised that, if such development went, on unchecked it would sooner or later challenge the existing control. This was too much, and rumbles of the approaching storm became evident.

The Socialisationists, realising that control of the Executive was essential, organised accordingly, and candidates favourable to them were supported for all districts and unions; but at the elections for the 1933 Executive they were overwhelmingly defeated, and from this date the fate of the movement was sealed. During the developments referred to above, even the leader, J. T. Lang,, had at times been forced to pay lip service to Socialism. At a public meeting at North Sydney he said : —
“The Capitalist system is responsible…… The system could not be mended. Therefore, the quicker it was ended the better.” (Labour Daily, 6/12/32.)
But all this ended at the beginning of 1933 with the installation of the new Executive.

At the Goulburn Provincial Conference of Country delegates, held early in 1933, Lang laid down the policy to be pursued by the Party in the next elections, and threw down the challenge to the Socialisation section. The policy for the future was to be “Socialisation of Credit,” and Mr. Lang, true to the reformist basis of the Labour Party, concentrated his attack upon the banks as the real and only villains of the situation. The policy of Lang and the Executive was adopted at Goulburn, but the situation at the Metropolitan Provincial Conference, which followed shortly was different. Here the Socialisationists, due to their intense activity, had a majority and used it, defeating the resolutions of the Lang faction and passing a compromise resolution in which Lang’s “Socialisation of Credit” was placed as part of the question of the “Socialisation of Industry.”

Mr. Lang, in addressing the Conference, restated his policy and made some general references to the struggles of those in the movement, and said : —
“False friends will arise from your own ranks to lead you into confusion and discord. The integrity of loyal men will be challenged; traitors will be given the appearance of patriots.”
Next morning, 13/2/33, the Labour Daily, controlled by Lang and Co., issued an attack upon the majority of the Conference delegates, head-lined across the page as follows : —
“CUNNING ATTEMPT MADE TO SMASH LANG.

“Clique organised in name of Socialisation branches attack at A.L.P. Metropolitan Conference. The capitalist Press Campaign bears fruit. Leaders grave warning becomes reality.”
This marked the beginning of an unscrupulous campaign, in which the power of the Labour Daily and the whole official machinery of the A.L.P. were used to crush the opposition within the Party. All the tricks of distortion, evasion, suppression and misrepresentation common to the gutter Press were used to assure that the delegates to the Easter Conference should be on the side of Lang and the Executive. To such effect was this done that the Easter Conference contained only a small minority of representatives of the Socialisation section, and the movement was squashed.

Defeat and Disintegration
This was done simply by resolutions declaring the Units, as separate entities, abolished, thus destroying the basis of their organisation; by electing a Socialisation Committee composed of nominees of the Executive, and by declaring that all lecturers for the A.L.P. must be endorsed by this Committee. Thus the effort of three years was destroyed in as many hours, and the “Socialisation Movement” fell; the notorious J. S. Garden, Secretary of the Labour Council of N. S. W., foundation member and former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Australia, and now a member of the Labour Party, and chief organiser for J. T. Lang, acting as the stage manager for its obsequies.

The active socialisationists did not submit without a struggle; but it was in vain. In its attempt to confront the situation, all the weaknesses inherent in its composition became evident. During the tune which elapsed between the Metropolitan and Easter Conferences the Committee and its supporters had carried on, and intensified their organisation, published special issues of the “Socialisation Call,” organised the collection of funds, printed and distributed leaflets in an endeavour to defeat the propaganda of their opponents.

Late in 1932 a split had occurred among the leaders of the Socialisation Section itself, and the breakaway faction had formed a rival organisation, called the A.L.P. Rank and File Committee, and accepting the Communist doctrine of the United Front, had set out to draw to themselves all the like-minded elements in the movement.

Despite the fact that it was outlawed, the Committee, under the guise of an Anniversary Aggregate Meeting, held a conference at the Redfern Boot Trades Hall, on April 22nd, 1933. This , meeting, though attended by over 200 delegates, representative of the Units, Group Councils, etc., was foredoomed to failure, and ended in disorder, most of the time of the meeting being wasted in a wrangle between the leaders of the two “Socialist” factions. A further conference, held on May 14th, was as futile as the first. The resolutions discussed at these “conferences” do not matter. The actual situation was, that the delegates were a group of “Socialisers” who had been shown plainly enough that the Labour Party did not want them, and they reacted to that injunction according to their understanding. Some wanted to form a separate party, some to stay in the A.L.P. and work upon a United Front Basis (i.e., be the catspaw of the Communist Party in its confusionist endeavours) some wanted to stay in the Labour Party because they believed in it, or for what they could get out of it.

Both conferences revolved around a point of no real concern to any intelligent worker, the fight between the A.L.P. and the Communist Party, and the nostrums they represent.

So ended an attempt to realise the dreams of those who think that Labour Parties can be transformed into instruments of emancipation. The words of Frederick Engels cannot be too often quoted : —
“For as long as the oppressed class, in this case the proletariat, is not ripe for its economic emancipation, just so long will its majority regard the existing order of society as the only one possible, and form the tail, the extreme left wing of the capitalist class.” (Origin of the Family.)
That quotation epitomises the function of the Labour Party and the political outlook of its members. For the tremendous task involved in the achievement of Socialism, nothing less than a Party firmly based and built upon clean-cut Socialist principles will serve. Don’t waste time wandering in the political wilderness of Labour politics. Realise that the achievement: of emancipation presupposes the widespread understanding of a statement no Labour Party has yet comprehended :
“Socialism is the only hope. All else, is illusion.”
While it may seem that the great membership and widespread organisation of the Labour Parties would be capable of tremendous achievement for Socialism, the facts are, that they cannot be turned to such a purpose, for Socialism is beyond the horizon for all but the insignificant minority of their members.

The futility of boring from within in such organisations can be exemplified by the statement of a Labour Party speaker in a debate at North Sydney (N.S.W.), who, while stating the ultimate object of the Labour Party to be the achievement of Socialism, said the possibility of such achievement would not arise for the next 500 years, and went on to put forward the reform policy which was, to him, all that mattered.

In a world rotten-ripe for Socialism, the true Labourite sees only the urgent necessity for his reform policy, the Socialist sees its utter futility. To attempt to organise for the achievement of Socialism in such parties is as futile as the search of the mediaeval alchemist for the Elixir of Life.

If the Socialist analysis of capitalism is correct, no reform or set of reforms can overcome the disabilities of working-class life while the system continues. The Labour Parties of the world, whatever lip-service they may pay to Socialism as an ideal, are based upon, and operate upon, the fundamental assumption that capitalism can be so reformed. The two conceptions are mutually antagonistic, and attempt to compromise between them leads inevitably away from the Socialist position, and into the morass of disillusion and despair.

Before Socialism can be achieved the majority of the people must understand the necessity for it. Once that is reached its realisation is inevitable; but no progress in this direction can be made by supporting the false doctrines preached by the reformers.

The essential pre-requisite for the achievement of Socialism is the making of Socialists. Join up and help forward this work.
F. F. W. 
(Socialist Party of Australia.)