Party News Briefs (1949)

Party News from the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

Our Week-end Summer School, held at Tree-Tops Holiday Camp, Farley Green, near Guildford, Surrey, on September 17th and 18th, was generally claimed a great success. Many of the members who attended arrived early on the Saturday afternoon and spent that afternoon and evening indulging in various recreations and social activity. A swimming pool, tennis court and a selection of indoor games were available and a dance was organised. On Sunday morning at 10 a.m. Comrade Hardy gave a lecture on “ The Lessons of Four Years of Labour Government.” Those who attended this lecture were enthusiastic in their commendation and a call was made, and unanimously supported, for steps to be taken to put the subject matter of the lecture into print so that it could be made available for party propagandists. At 2 p.m. on the Sunday an open discussion, “Socialism, What Will it be Like? ” was commenced, and continued up to tea. time, 4.30 p.m. The discussion was opened by Comrade Cash and started mildly, the early contributors only sparring with the subject. Arguments warmed up as the discussion proceeded and many of the ideas propounded were still being hotly debated when the local bus came to collect members for Guildford Station and their homes. The food, sleeping arrangements and general facilities were considered to be very good and the charge of 18/- per visitor for the week-end was extremely moderate. A number of members present expressed a wish to see the camp used again for similar purposes.

The Half-yearly Delegate Meeting was held at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London, on Saturday and Sunday, September 24th and 25th. Consequent upon a resolution passed at our last Annual Conference this Delegate Meeting was a two day assembly instead of a one day meeting as heretofore. The maximum attendance was 42 delegates representing 23 branches. The more distant of our provincial branches were not represented. The attendance of visitors on the afternoon of the second day brought the total gathering up to approximately 150 members and friends. It was apparent that the hall in which the meeting was held was overcrowded and that we shall need more spacious accommodation for future Delegate Meetings.

Discussion on the first day centred around the proposal to afford an opportunity for Central Branch members to vote at Conferences. The plan submitted by the Executive Committee received the support of the meeting. A recommendation to adopt a system of proportional voting at Conferences was considered. It was pointed out as an example, that a branch with a membership of 40 might decide in favour of a resolution by 21 votes for, and 19 votes against, and send its four delegates to the Conference to vote for the resolution. Another branch of only 20 members, and. in consequence, only sending two delegates, might vote unanimously against the same resolution. This would make the voting of Party members 21 for the resolution and 39 against it, but the voting at the Conference would be 4 votes for, and 2 against. It was hoped that a scheme of proportional voting would eliminate this anomaly.

The Executive Committee was urged to hasten the publication of a pamphlet stating our attitude to war. It was pointed out that we have no literature to-day that specifically deals with this aspect. A brief leaflet or manifesto on the subject was considered to be inadequate, the nature of our case making it advisable to deal comprehensively with the subject in a pamphlet. Delegates also called for the publication of leaflets of a lively and interesting nature to attract the attention of workers to our case. The Editorial Committee, amplifying its report, stated that it was essential that writers should submit articles for publication in the Socialist Standard by the first week of the month prior to the one of publication. Notices of meetings were required by the 15th of the previous month or there could be no guarantee that they could be inserted.

The pièce de résistance of the meeting was the item in the report headed “Electoral Activity.” The Executive Committee was criticised by some branches for the method of appointing prospective Parliamentary candidates. After considerable discussion the following resolution was carried.

“That this Delegate Meeting recommends that the whole question of appointment of Parliamentary candidature be re-organised as follows: —

(a) That a panel of Parliamentary candidates be drawn up composed of members who have been examined by the E.C. and not through a sub-committee, and that the E.C. invite nominations from this panel.

(b) That the branch in the constituency concerned in the election have the right to freely ask members of the panel to be their candidate."

The Parliamentary Committee drew attention to the serious state of Party funds in view of the coming electoral campaigns. If we have an early election, as some seem to expect, we shall be in a disastrous position. The Parliamentary Fund contains only £219 and we need at least £900 to make a success of the election effort. There are tentative plans for the issue of a quantity of literature in connection with the campaign, but the rate of increase of funds will determine whether such plans can be operated.

There was a tussle between delegates over the relative merits of suburban as opposed to central London propaganda meetings. Some claimed that prominent Party speakers who are frequently to be found at Central London meetings should distribute their time around the suburban and provincial branches giving help and advice to new speakers.

The question of disciplining Party members, especially speakers, came up for discussion, but the difficulty of imposing any sort of discipline on members of an organisation that is run entirely by voluntary work, was appreciated.

The meeting was scheduled to finish at 5 p.m. on the second day, but delegates called for an extension to 7 p.m., and a number remained even later to discuss items on the agenda that could not be considered by the meeting because of pressure of time. Collections taken at the meeting totalled £9 11s. 3d.

Ealing Branch has had a much better outdoor season this year than in 1948 and it is intended to continue the meetings at Richmond and Ealing until the end of October. A prominent factor in the success at Ealing Green has been the introduction of a new and higher platform allowing the speaker's voice to carry further and enabling the branch to hold some excellent meetings in spite of the usual Tory opposition. In Richmond the efforts are bearing fruit. Enquiries have been received regarding the local Kingston Branch and the discussion group at Hounslow.

Ealing Branch trip to Southsea on September 18th exceeded the most optimistic expectations when an audience of over 200 listened to a three-hour peroration by our speakers, showed a great deal of interest, and contributed well to literature sales and collection. The Ealing members were impressed by the appreciation shown by the local sympathisers who wanted to know why our trips were so few and far between. It is certain that Southsea presents a ready soil for Socialist propaganda.

The Greenford and Hounslow discussion groups, sponsored by Ealing Branch, are both making satisfactory progress. A recent lecture given by Comrade Thorburn at Hounslow attracted an encouraging number of non-members.

Efforts to extend Ealing Branch’s literature sales are still doggedly and persistently being made. There has been an increase in pamphlet sales and, with the approach of winter, the monthly canvass should send literature sales to a higher level than on any previous year.

The Socialist Party of New Zealand has sent us a few sample copies of the recently issued pamphlet, “Introducing the Socialist Party of New Zealand.” It is a small eight-page pamphlet in a bold yellow cover and is for free issue. The chapter titles will give an idea of the scope of this small but very useful addition to socialist literature. The pamphlet opens with an introduction over the stamp of the Party's Executive Committee, pointing to the futility of Labour Government as a means of achieving Socialism and emphasising the importance of Parliament. The body of the pamphlet then deals with the founding of the S.P.N.Z., “Piecemeal reforms do not lead to Socialism,” “The fundamental problem of our age,” “"What Socialism Involves,” “Socialism is necessarily an international conception,” “The Road to Socialism,” “The Future belongs to the Socialist Movement.”, and “ The S.P.N.Z. and ‘Promises'.” We commend it to all readers of the Socialist Standard as a useful introductory pamphlet, but please do not send to our New Zealand comrades for a copy unless you enclose a donation. We know the cost of producing such a pamphlet, and. although it is for free issue, we ask you to remember that all our work is voluntary and our pockets, in New Zealand as well as in Britain, are like all workers' pockets, very, very shallow. Pay heed to a phrase from the end of the pamphlet, “ Our bugbear—lack of funds.”

The Socialist Party of Ireland is getting on with its task with determination and is collecting around itself a useful group of contacts from whom it is hoped to make new members. Indoor meetings in Dublin commenced at the Boilermakers' Hall in Lower Gardiner Street on September 11th with an address by the Party's General Secretary, Comrade Walsh. Further meetings have been held weekly since, each addressed by a different member of the Dublin Branch, and with satisfactory literature sales and collections. Catholic and Communist opponents have not attended or have not made their presence known. The Dublin Branch has sent out offers to various organisations to supply speakers and has issued challenges to debate, all without result to date. It is further hoped to be able to get a large hall in Dublin later in the season for a good large meeting. The Belfast Branch is also having success. Outdoor meetings in Belfast have been getting bigger and bigger. At two outdoor meetings during a recent strike, an audience of over 1,000 gathered around the platform. Belfast comrades have challenged the N. Ireland Labour Party to debate, but the challenge was not accepted. Indoor meetings began in Belfast on September 28th, and the initial meeting was a success that gave encouragement and promise for the future. The S.P.I.’s manifesto is now complete and we are told that we shall receive the draft as soon as the Belfast comrades have passed it. There is a friendly rivalry between the branches that speaks well for future activities.

W. Waters.

Communist cakes and ale (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

The Roman Catholic Church has always been well versed in the art of attracting unbelievers, and of keeping hold of them once they have entered the fold. For centuries it has used elaborate ceremonials, processions, and festivals to keep the faithful bemused and impressed.

In no other country has it rung so many changes on these methods of impressing the multitude than in Italy, nor, probably, with greater success. The pomp and pageants associated with Rome are regarded with awe and reverence all over the Catholic world. True, it began to experience some hectic competition before the war from Mussolini and his Blackshirts, but that was a passing phase and those days have gone. Since 1945, it has had the field all to itself—at least until a few weeks ago.

Now, however, another rival has appeared on the scene, and, from all accounts, a very formidable one, too. Not, as might have been expected, a new eruption of Fascists having a second attempt at achieving power and using the old and well-tried technique of pomp and circumstance to do it. No, this time it's none other than the Communist Party, ready as ever to try anything once—if it will help the Communist Party. The object on this occasion was to try to increase the sales of its daily paper, Unita, and at the same time to raise £200,000 for the party’s funds.

And, if they themselves are to be believed, they certainly went in for it in a big way? In fact, so convinced was one of their leaders, Luigi Longo, that there had never been such festive festivals as those organised by the Communist Party, that he worked himself up into a really challenging mood.

“Let our adversaries try to organise anything even remotely resembling our festivals in number and penetration. Not even the Church, now that its high functionaries have made religion a subject of hatred and division rather than of union and love, can succeed in collecting as many people as we do for its functions."—(Manchester Guardian, Sept. 26th, 1949.)

Then, really warming to his theme,

“To you, friends, who will come to Florence after hours of journeying I say we shall meet at dawn in the Plaza Santa Croce, where the unending procession will form up with the entire Central Committee of the Communist Party leading it. Then we shall march through Florence in our tens of thousands, and every Italian worker will be present in spirit with us.

. . . At the Cascine hundreds of stands with all the best products of our 150 other festivals, will be lined up. Chianti wine will flow in torrents, hundredweights of tripe will be on sale . . . The alley is full of news-vendors; each purchaser gets five copies of the ‘Unita' and joins the news-vendor in shouting his sales. . . .”

“. . . Further on there are the five villages, the the women's village, the young Communists' village where late tonight until early dawn there will be dancing, the gourmets village where 2,000 people can eat at once served by groups of comrades, with macaroni for all, roast chicken in such numbers that one might think the race of fowl had been exterminated, and rivers of the best Chianti . . . then the Italo-Soviet Association village with native Russian costumes, and then the Press village, with all the Communist papers exhibited and a nation-wide exhibition of wall newspapers from Italy’s factories. . . . After Togliatti’s speech at 5.30 p.m. mere will be the traditional giant firework display. . . . It will be a great day, another glorious step forward in the history of our paper, of our party, and of the Italian people."

The Manchester Guardian contents itself with the cryptic and sarcastic comment: “No, the Church has certainly not yet arranged anything on this scale in Italy." For our own part we rather like the second paragraph, particularly the conjunction of Unita and tripe. We hope that the Italian workers, for the sake of both their mental and physical digestions, were able to distinguish between the two.

Stan Hampson

The National Health Service (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

"The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science into its paid wage-labourers."

Thus wrote Marx in the Communist Manifesto 101 years ago; it is still just as up to date now as when written. The doctors in those days was a wage-labourer as to-day, in spite of the fact that many looked upon him as a minor capitalist. The doctor was dependant for his livelihood upon the sale of his labour power, his ability to work, to give advice, to dispense, to diagnose, to operate and to heal. For these services he received his rewards whether he worked as a private physician, or whether he sold his services to a local municipal council, or worked for a hospital or institution.

The National Health Service of the Labour Party has not changed the doctor’s economic relationship to society one iota, except that it should have made it plainly visible to the doctors themselves that they are members of the working class, whose wages can by Government decree be drastically reduced.

When the Labour Party decided to inaugurate the National Health Service, which means in effect the Nationalisation of medicine, Bevan approached the doctors to ascertain what the average General Practitioner was earning. The representatives of the doctors were not a little concerned with such a question, knowing that some form of nationalisation was in the air. If they plugged for high wages (or salaries) by stating they were earning let us say £3,000 to £4,000 a year, their income tax returns could easily be investigated; and if it were discovered that they were paying income tax on, let us say £1,000, the ministry would know at once what was happening. The long and protracted negotiations between the Minister of Health and the medical profession were not a little due to this awkward position which the doctors very reluctantly had to face. In the struggle the Labour Party won, and Bevan triumphantly proclaimed to the doctors that the State would pay them a salary commensurable with that which they were earning, that is what the doctors said they were earning. That being done, they became pafd wage labourers of the State, Civil Servants of a type.

It is quite well known that every doctor formerly lost a large percentage of his fees by bad debts. Although doctors have the legal privilege to sue for unpaid fees, very rarely did any doctor take advantage of such facilities of the law. If Doctor Brown sued poor old Mrs. Jones (who let us say was bedridden and poverty stricken), his name would be mud in the district, and his fellow-practitioners would soon scoop up his practice. Under the National Health Scheme, since the Government collected the cash in weekly instalments that everybody must pay, a guarantee could be given to the doctors that there would be no loss of fees. This did not appear to enthuse the doctors who sulked and acted as if they were getting a raw deal. Is it possible that they were taking cash and forgetting (it is easy enough) to record it for His Majesty’s Inspectors of Inland Revenue?

The net result of all this is that many of the doctors are not very interested in the National Health Service, which has been witnessed by thousands who have consulted doctors under the new plan. For the nationalised physician it means more work for less fees, hence the reason why they have discussed the possibility of mass resignation at an early date.

Another economic aspect of the National Health Service must not be overlooked. Since its introduction a year ago, the value of the shares in all the drug companies has increased and record profits have been made. At the recent shareholders’ meeting of the Boots Drug Stores, the chairman declared that “they had had a record year with profits over £600,000 and that had they had more staff to cope with orders, they would have done a great deal better.” It is, therefore, no accident that the National Health Insurance has been introduced. In actual fact it is no insurance at all from the workers aspect, but a national disease treating scheme, whose real function it is to get workers back to work as soon as possible. It means that the big problem of absentee-ism has been tacked nationally. No longer can a worker offer an excuse that he was ill and could not get a doctor or afford treatment. If the Health Insurance insures anything, it insures that the worker is got back to work in double quick time! Strange is it not that this peculiar service has been introduced at terrific costs in time and labour, by a political party which has been shouting itself hoarse to get increased production! The net result is lower wages for workers by compelling them to pay insurances, lower salaries and more work for doctors, and larger profits for the big drug houses.

Thus does the Labour Party in but another field not only carry on the task of running capitalism in the interests of the real ruling class (the capitalists) as we have consistently claimed, but does it more efficiently and effectively than previous capitalist Governments.

Horace Jarvis

The Purport of War (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

"What, speaking in quite unofficial language, is the net purport and upshot of war? To my own knowledge, for example, there dwell and toil, in the British village of Dumdrudge, usually some five hundred souls. From those, by certain 'natural enemies’ of the French, there are successively selected, during the. French war, say thirty able-bodied men: Dumdrudge, at her own expense, has suckled and nursed them; she has, not without difficulty and sorrow, fed them up to manhood, and even trained them to craft, so that one can weave, another hammer, and the weakest can stand under thirty stone avoirdupois, nevertheless, amid much weeping and swearing, they are selected, all dressed in red; and shipped away, at the public charges, some two thousand miles, or say only to the south of Spain; and fed there till wanted. And now to that same spot in the south of Spain are thirty similar French artisans, from a French Dumdrudge, in like manner wending: till at length, after infinite effort, the two parties come into juxtaposition; and thirty stands fronting thirty, each with a gun in his hand. Straightway the word 'fire’ is given: and they blow the souls out of one another; and in place of sixty brisk, useful craftsmen, the world has sixty dead carcasses, which it must bury, and anew shed tears for. Had these men any quarrel? Busy as the Devil is, not the smallest! They lived far enough apart; were the entirest strangers; nay, in so wide a universe, there was even, unconsciously, by Commerce, some mutual helpfulness between them. How then? Simpletons, their Governors had fallen out; and, instead of shooting one another, had the cunning to make these poor blockheads shoot.”

—Carlyle: "Sartor Resartus,"

A Tory joins the Communist Party (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

Any person wishing to apply for membership of the Labour Party, Communist Party, Conservative Party, Liberal Party, Socialist Party of Great Britain, and, as far as we are aware, any other political party, must first of all fill in an appropriate application form. Of all these parties, only the S.P.G.B. insists upon something more—that every applicant for membership should at the same time prove to the satisfaction of the members that he or she understands the Party’s case. We insist upon this examination for a purpose—an obvious purpose—to ensure that Socialists only come into our ranks. And as an example, amusing but nevertheless instructive, of the sort of thing that can happen when such precautions are not taken is a little paragraph tucked away in the Daily Telegraph of 8th October. It seems to us a pity that it should pass by unrecorded in the columns of the Socialist Standard.

It appears that a certain “Pete” Macdonald, of 39, Lugley Street, Newport, Isle of Wight, had the dubious honour a little time ago of receiving a letter from the General Organisation Department of the British Communist Party. This is what it said: —

“Dear Comrade: We are very pleased to receive your letter ot' application for membership of the Communist Party. May we take this opportunity of welcoming you as a member?”

Unfortunately for the Communist Party, however, their General Organisation Department seems to have been organising just a little too generally. It now turns out that the address to which the letter was sent is none other than the head office of the Isle of Wight Conservative Party! As for “Pete” Macdonald (we wonder whether it was the “ Pete ” that got him his membership) he is apparently no other than Sir Peter Macdonald, Conservative M.P. for the Isle of Wight for the past twenty-five years! Somebody has been playing a joke upon the Communist Party and in their enthusiasm for enrolling anybody and everybody capable of signing his name (or somebody else’s), they fell for it hook, line, and sinker.

We hear a great deal about the Communist technique of “boring from within,” and of how good they are supposed to be at doing it. It now seems that one of the easiest things possible, certainly, is to bore from within—inside the Communist Party!

Stan Hampson

Two useful books (1949)

Book Reviews from the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard

“Plain Words.” Sir Ernest Gowers. (H.M.S.O., 1948. 2/-.)

“Straightforward English.” (N. L. Clay. MacDonald & Co., 1949. 4/6.)

Among the more recent books on the English language are Sir Ernest Gowers’ “Plain Words” and “Straightforward English” by N. L. Clay. The former was written for civil servants concerned with official English, but has interested a much wider public. It presumes a knowledge of the language, and is a very fine corrective for those whose habits of speech and writing have become slovenly. The latter is “designed to help an ordinary person to write a clear message.”

Prepared by a schoolmaster, it is laid out along the lines of a school text-book, with examples and exercises on each section. It covers all the necessary ground, and the exposition is clear without being tedious. The examples are well chosen, up to date and of adult interest.

The use of jargon, probably the most certain pitfall for the political propagandist, is dealt with in both books. Thinking clearly and writing clearly are so intertwined that it is difficult to separate them. In “Lectures on Rhetoric” Blair said, “They who are learning to compose and arrange sentences with accuracy and order are learning at the same time to think with accuracy and order.”

As a political party committed to a programme of propaganda, we know what a handicap muddled thinking is. Our case is strong and clear. It is up to us to put it lucidly. There is nothing ambiguous in ‘'Workers of the World, Unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains; you have a world to win.”

That is the clear thinking we need, and the straightforward English for expressing it. Those who wish to infuse that quality into their propaganda would be well advised to take a fireside refresher course with either of these books this winter.

K. D.

How the rich fare under Labour Government. (1949)

From the November 1949 issue of the Socialist Standard