Friday, October 9, 2026

What is religion? - Part 8 (1954)

From the April 1954 issue of the Socialist Standard


The Economics of Religion
Christianity was adopted as the official religion of the Roman Empire by Constantine the Great, because it was thought to be a suitable religion for slaves. It was a “hotch-potch religion," or a “cemetery of dead religions,” because when the slaves were brought into Rome from many different lands, they brought with them their many religious ideas. Professor Seeley says, “the age was religious because it was an age of servitude" and the Christian teachings of “blessed are the meek, the humble, and the merciful,” fitted very well into needs of society at that time. “ Christianity produced a complete change in the attitude to the Emperor. It made their loyalty more intense.” (Professor Seeley, lectures and essays page 75.) As the New Testament admirably puts it, “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but God; the powers that be are ordained by God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation." Romans Ch. 13 ver. 1 and 2. The Roman Empire was already in decay when Christianity was ushered in, and it was no coincidence that some spiritual opium was needed to quieten the slaves against revolt

In the middle ages the church controlled most of the land. This meant that they had a considerable amount of real economic control in their hands, for under feudalism he who controlled the land controlled most of what was on it. Of more recent times we have seen the power of the Catholic political parties in pre-Nazi Germany, Spain, France, Austria, etc. The controlling of education by the Church, and antagonism to divorce, contraception, etc.

When capitalism was beginning to expand, missionaries played a very important part in paving the way for the trade that was to come, and often in a very crude way. The African natives who were discovered in a state of nakedness, were told by the missionaries that God frowned on such things, and that to be a good Christian one should at least cover the genitals. But the natives had no clothes with which to gain the favours of God; they only had bars of Gold, diamonds and ivory tusks. As chance would have it Lancashire had plenty of cheap pants and pyjamas in all the colours of the rainbow which no self-respecting Englishman would wear, not even in bed. Then guess what happened—yes trade started—and no wonder they called it the “Gold Coast” Where the missionaries didn’t conduct the trade themselves, it didn’t need a lot of imagination for an enterprising trader to follow the missionaries up.

“Look up to Heaven,” said the missionary to the native, and the latter did so. When he looked down again he found that his land was appropriated! As the Zulus say “When white man first came to us he had the Bible, and we owned the land. Now he’s got the land, and we’ve got the Bible.”

Of recent years Bishops and other church dignitaries have become in some cases fabulously rich, so rich that many have been able to invest thousands of pounds in armament firms. (See Alan Handsacre “The Revenues of Religion.”) In Russia we had many examples of millionaire priests investing sums as large as half a million roubles in Soviet War Bonds. This is strange in a country which not long ago was turning churches into anti-religious museums, and persecuting followers of all religions.

It is often argued that Jesus was a Socialist, and Keir Hardie stated that he learnt his socialism from the New Testament. The idea of the disciples having all things in common gives rise to this misunderstanding. Jesus could only have been a socialist if he and his disciples fished with a steam trawler in an environment in which capitalism had already developed. Nothing that Jesus was alleged to have said, makes him a socialist in any way. The whole essence of his teaching was to tolerate the unpleasant things of life for treasure to come in heaven. His whole teaching and prophesies were based on survival after death. We socialists want to survive before death, and to have our good time in this world which we know that we have to live and work.

There are plenty of arguments against religion, and they come from many angles. Perhaps the chief one is that religion is false, and because of this it discourages people from thinking. Socialism, unlike religion, needs understanding and not just believing. Well did Marx say “the criticism of religion is the beginning of all criticism” for when we come to realise that there is no subject so holy that we must not or dare not criticise, then we begin to look at everything critically and to accept nothing at its face value. Again Marx wrote “For too long has religion explained history, let us with history explain religion”!
Horace Jarvis
 
(Concluded.)

What is religion? - Part 7 (1954)

From the March 1954 issue of the Socialist Standard



The Bible
The Bible is the most important book in the world if judged by its influence upon mankind. It is the source of all our knowledge of God, Christ, and the background of Christianity. Thousands of men have wasted their lives in reading and re-reading it, learning to recite parts of it, repeating it dozens of times and holding discussions on its thousands of meaningless phrases. True there are some good things in it but they are so mixed up with and adulterated by nonsense, that its net value to the human race, if judged on the whole, can only be to its detriment. It is because of the interpretation of some of its phrases that many men have been put to death by the cruellest means of being burnt alive, or starved to death in jails. Much blood has been shed over the interpretation of the scriptures.

The main argument against the Bible is that it certainly is not the word of God, or men inspired by God, and that it contains a host of stupid mistakes, useless ideas, and accounts which can only spread ignorance and confusion. Those who accept the Bible as the word of God or as their guide to life would do well to consider some of these examples.

In Genesis Ch. 1 we are told that animals were made before man, while in Ch. 2 we are told that man was made first and the animals afterwards. Both these accounts cannot be right. As Socialists we know that both are wrong for creation itself is a false theory, no matter which way round it was supposed to have gone.

That God, after making animals and man and peopling the earth with everything that was pleasant and nice, decided to destroy it all, is a peculiar act for an almighty God. Especially if we bear in mind that he knew everything in advance and therefore must have known that Adam and Eve would sin and the devil would triumph and he would have to drown the whole world and start again with Noah and his family. Why did he not start with Noah and Co. in the first place? Millions of innocent animals were sent to an untimely grave through no fault of their own, but by their own creator.

Noah was first told to put two of each animal in the Ark (Genesis Ch. 6 verse 19) and afterwards to put seven of each into the ark (Genesis Ch. 7 verse 2). How all these thousands of animals could be packed into a small boat does not need to be carefully analyzed. All the food needed for these animals and the enormous quantity of excreta deposited in the ark must have made things a little unpleasant for Noah and his family. Where all the rain came from—for it covered the Earth including Mt. Everest, and where all the water disappeared to is problem enough to bamboozle all the clerks of the weather that have ever existed.

We are told that David was a man after God's own heart, and he was in direct descent between Adam and Christ, yet this David (King David it was) amused himself climbing upon the roof of Uriah's house to watch Uriah’s wife bathing. As Uriah was one of his soldiers the Bible tells us how David sent Uriah to fight in the hottest battle in order that he might get killed, while he, the great King David, carried on his interesting occupation undisturbed and committed adultery with her. II Sam. Ch. XI verses 2-1$. Not exactly the correct conduct for a man after God's own heart.

In the first book of Samuel Ch. 18 verse 27 is an account of David having killed 200 Philistines, cut off their foreskins and giving them to Saul in exchange for his daughter Michal for a wife.

The book of Ecclesiastes is said to have been written by an unbeliever because it “lets the cat out of the bag," in Ch. 9 verse S which states “ the dead are dead, they know no more, neither will they have any reward!”

If it is objected to that the Old Testament is a little the worse for its age, let us look at the New Testament, for it contains the words of Christ, so it is alleged, although Jesus never wrote a word of it, nor did his disciples, who passed on to others his ideas by word of mouth and who succeeded admirably in getting the master’s ideas all mixed up and confused, as he being the Son of God knew full well they would before he died. One would have thought that if the whole thing is of any importance to the world and to mankind for generations to come, at least Christ would have written Ins own ideas down crystal clear so that they did not cause any confusion. If God has spoken then why is it that the world is not convinced?

The sermon on the mount is the star sermon, the Gettysburg address of the Bible, the greatest of all sermons preached by the greatest of men, in fact preached by God himself disguised as a man. In this sermon we find the philosophy of Christ, so let us pause and look at it Matt. Ch. 5 verse 29. "If thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off." Such self-mutilation or self-surgery is a relic of the barbarous past and nobody today would attempt to follow it not even the divines. Verse 40 (same chapter) states, "If any man sue thee at the law and take away thy coat, give him thy cloke also." In other words, if any man sues you for £100, insist on paying £200. "Take no account for your life what yea shall eat or what yea shall drink, or for your body what yea shall put on." Matt Ch. 6 verse 25. Just try to carry this out in practice and tomorrow you will be in the workhouse, in prison, in hospital, or in debt.

Another real truth, direct from the mouth of Christ. "Think not that I am come to send peace on earth, I come not to bring peace, but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his father, a daughter against her mother, and a daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law." (Matt. Ch. 10 verse 34.) Then if it was Christ's purpose to bring a sword and disturb the peace of the world, how much better would it have been for mankind if he had stayed away. If it was his avowed purpose to cause family quarrels, then mankind would have benefited by his absence. In one place he poses as the apostle of peace and good will, and in another place we find him declaring that his intentions were to disturb the peace. Can we from this conclude that the Bible is the word of God divinely inspired and suitable for. man's guidance?

St. Matthew was one of Christ’s disciples, and yet he never had the idea that it was necessary to believe anything to go to heaven. “Blessed are the peacemakers, blessed are the humble, the meek and the merciful, for they will have treasure in heaven.” All this suited the capitalist very nicely when they took over from feudalism, be humble and submissive, and put up with this "vale of tears” for treasure in heaven (but I want my treasure in this world).

When we come to St. Mark’s gospel we find “He that believeth will be saved, and he that believeth not shall be damned.” (Ch. 16 verse 16.). According to St. Matthew unbelievers will go to heaven, if there is such a place, but according to St. Mark we will not, and yet these two disciples were with Christ When we get to St. John’s gospel we find that everlasting fire is the punishment for not believing. St. Mark goes on to tell us “And these signs will follow those who believe. In my name will they cast out devils, and if they drink any deadly thing it will not hurt them.” Bring on your believer; I’ll not trouble him to cast out any devils, but drink just a wine glass full of sulphuric acid and if it does hurt him, then I should like to know how the conjuring trick is done.

What conclusions can we form from all this contradiction and confusion of ideas? There is only one answer, the Bible cannot be inspired, and as such it should be relegated to the place to which it rightly belongs alongside of many similar manuscripts. This would at least help to free many from the bondage of religious ties which is causing diem to read the Bible under the threat of God and with the glare of hell.
Horace Jarvis
 

What is religion? - Part 6 (1954)

From the February 1954 issue of the Socialist Standard


Prayer gives some people relief, just as does swearing to others. Some prefer chain smoking or drinking to the point of getting drunk as the best means of drowning their sorrows. Apart from self-relief, prayers give to those who say them, an assurance which they seek. From this aspect it would appear to be somewhat similar to wishful thinking. Prayer may act psychologically like auto-suggestion, especially if it is applied to some aid which one requires for oneself,  as distinct from prayers for others, or prayers for better weather, etc.

As would be expected the priests were not slow to capitalise prayers and make a profession of saying them for others. The Catholic priests have been active at the game for centuries and have persuaded many a poor man to give his savings, as well as the rich to give large sums of money to the church, i.e., the institution or business of the priests. The saying of mass for the soul after death continued the good work paid for in advance by the living, or by his or her relatives. The priests are supposed to be especially good at saying prayers, writing them and reading them, and often learn Latin (the chief language of God) for that purpose. How God knows all the different languages and can understand millions of prayers uttered at the same time from dozens of different lands is one of those mysteries about which we hear nothing.

One would have thought that in a modern civilised community, run on mass production lines and the latest ideas of capitalism, machines would have been invented to say prayers by the million, by the pressing of a button. Especially would this be valuable during wartime, when prayer machines could work day and night asking for divine assistance for victory, or don't the ruling class believe in the usefulness of evoking God’s assistance at such a critical time?

When nations go to war they all claim that God is on their side; in the last war the Russians did not hesitate to call out the priests who had been in cold storage for some years. In the first World War the Germans made a great point of “Gott mit uns” but apparently after being so badly let down were very hesitant in evoking God’s assistance in the second war. No doubt the Christian clergy of the allies would jubilantly declare "that is why they lost.” The old dictum is still true, that "God is on the side of the big battalions” (or with the strongest armies), or u trust in God and keep your powder dry.” Since capitalism came into existence these later precepts have come to be the ones which have been followed very carefully, while too much reliance on God to help is thought to be bad military strategy.
“God heard the embittered nations pray and shout 
God this, God that, and God the other thing,
‘ Good God,’ said God, 'I’ve got my work cut out’.”
If, as the Christians tell us, God knows everything, then prayer is merely telling God what God already knows. In which case it is a sheer waste of time on the part of those who offer them, as well as a distracting force to God. On the other hand if they are trying to persuade God to do something which he has no intentions of doing, then prayer is wicked, because it attempts to alter God’s infallible intentions. They can’t have it both ways.
Horace Jarvis
 

What is religion? - Part 5 (1953)

From the December 1953 issue of the Socialist Standard


The Inspired Books
Most religions have their literature which is their source of all knowledge and wisdom, and their declaration of principles. The claim is always the same that this inspired book, work, or collection of' writings, is holy, immaculate, infallible, beyond reproach, and the only truth—in fact it is God’s word. Naturally the followers of one book will tell you that all the other books claiming to be inspired are quite false.

The book with which we are mostly concerned is the Bible, and although written between 1700 and 2700 years ago, this antiquated book of the dead has still a profound influence upon the living, as those who have had occasion to go to court know, and many who wanted a divorce have experienced, apart from the role it plays in general education of children, references in the press and on the radio, and its effects upon society. No Bible, then no Jesus, no miracles, no after life, no prayers, and all the rest of it. Our present ideas of Christianity spring from the Bible. If that is not the word of God, if it is not infallible, if it is not perfect and free from contradiction, then its value is limited as with other books, and this means that it could not have been inspired. We shall deal with the Bible in more detail in another article.

Other religions have similar books or writings. The Mohammedans have their Koran which according to Mohammed was given to him already completed and perfect, by an angel who swooped down from the clouds while Mohammed was strolling in his garden. There is the Zend Avesta of Zoroastrianism, the Vedas of the Hindus, the classical writings of Confucius may also be included, and many of the lesser religions have their Bibles.

None of these books can have any claim to have been written by a god or gods. All of them are clearly the writings of uninspired men, and all of them are full of contradictions, errors, absurdities, and the accepted ideas of the times in which they were written. Surely we are entitled to expect that inspired writings should contain ideas at least a little in advance of their time.

As many of the ruling class (as well as many of the working class) accept in the nominal Christian countries the Bible, we ought to examine it carefully, and if it is holy, wonderful, immaculate, and infallible we shall not fail to discover it. If on the other hand we find that it is full of mistakes, and contradictions, then the whole of the Christian fabric which7 is built upon the Bible as its premises, is like a house built on sand.

In the pamphlet “Socialism and Religion” published by the Party in 1911, and reprinted in 1925 and for many years now out of print, on page nine we find, “The fundamental idea of religion is a belief in the persistence of life after death.” It is true that belief in life after death does constitute one of the fundamentals of religion, but not the only one.

Man does not want to die, not even members of the working class with all the privations to which they are subjected. As far as we know primitive man did not want to die, save in exceptional circumstances. When primitive man dreamt that his lost companions were still living, as far as he could ascertain, for he saw them again, spoke to them again, hunted and fished with them once more (in his dreams that was—but he did not know he was dreaming). What more natural thing was it for him to assume than that he had another life, another self, somewhere else “on the astral plane, or in the third dimension,” as some crack-pots would say. It was always a question of mystery of death and of dreams, and naturally he linked them together. Ghosts were everywhere, nightmares were a regular occurrence and most disturbing. The anger of gods was being constantly aroused, religion was in the making in an environment full of superstition and ignorance.

Why then is it that so many people believe in life after death in these days, when we have learnt so much about the origin of religion? We might as well answer that we have learnt a lot about capitalism, but millions are still deluded by it Those who accept the "afterlife belief” today, whether in the ancient Christian form, or the more modem spiritualists’ form of survival, do so because of their explicit belief in the Bible and the existence of God or gods which dominate nature and rule the universe. All our earlier knowledge of survival if it can so be called knowledge, came from the Bible direct, except that which was disseminated by priests who in their turn got it from the Bible. Therefore if we want to follow the matter to its logical conclusion we must consider this profoundly important book from which arises the ideas of life after death.

The Bible certainly promises life after death, in several places, in fact that is the purpose of believing and the reward for believing. The Bible also tells us that it is “all up” with the grave. Ecclesiastes Ch. 9 verse 5 for instance “For the living know that they shall die; but the dead know not anything, neither have they any more a reward; for the memory of them is forgotten." This reads strangely alongside the many better known verses such as "He that believeth and is baptised shall be saved; He that believeth not shall be damned.” The latter offers both a reward for believing and a punishment for not believing, so you can take your choice, but don’t say you have not been warned! We shall deal with the Bible in more detail later on, meanwhile most of us living under capitalism find it hard enough to survive before death, leave alone afterwards.
Horace Jarvis
 

What is religion? - Part 4 (1953)

From the November 1953 issue of the Socialist Standard


Miracles
The poet Shelley wrote “Only impossible things are miracles, therefore we know that they did not happen because they are impossible." Nothing that is ordinary or possible is a miracle. People who escape street accidents, or have narrow escapes in war or industrial accidents and are not killed or injured, should not claim that they have had a “miraculous escape.” No miracle occurs or could have occurred in connection with such events. If water gets turned into wine or runs uphill voluntarily, if dead men rise from their graves, or virgins give birth to babies—then all these constitute miracles—but not in having a narrow escape from death or injury. The two kinds of phenomena are quite different In the case of miracles the laws of nature, hitherto so immutably harmonious, suddenly and without cause undergo a violation and contradict everything which has gone before. For example the turning of stones into bread, or the feeding of thousands of people on two loaves and five fishes. The modern usage of the word miracle is very misleading and has nothing to do with these biblical and religious absurdities that have been alleged to have happened in the days when religion had growing pains.

Every religion has its lists of attested miracles and its quota of blind believers who accept the whole lot, lock, stock and barrel, without evidence or without wanting evidence. In fact they are usually offended if you offer them any evidence to the contrary. If proof is asked for about these miracles, it is not forthcoming, for the very good and simple reason that there is not a shred of evidence for any miracle. Of course one cannot prove negatives, and therefore it cannot be proved that some phenomena did not at one time occur, but the onus of proof falls upon the shoulders of those who claim these absurdities.

If we look at things from a strictly logical angle we must ask, is it more possible that Balaam’s ass spoke, or that a man told a lie? Is it more possible that Joshua’s trumpets blew down the walls of the city of Jericho—or that somebody exaggerated? The religious believer accepts the former, while the non-believer, the materialist, the socialist, the latter.

When radio-active substances were first discovered, it was soon made known to the world that the spring which supplied the holy water at Lourdes, was radioactive. Strange how those in control and in communication with the Almighty did not know this before' this scientific discovery. When a party of scientists visited the spot and tested the water, they found that it was just the ordinary water of the district, and contained no special medicinal or radio-active quality. An unfriendly visitor to Lourdes once declared that it would constitute no more of a miracle for a one-legged man to grow another leg than for hundreds of those who were alleged to have thrown away their crutches and become healed. We do not say that among these cases, there have not been those who have made through faith a profound recovery from functional disorders, but many of them were victims of "organic” conditions in which nothing short of growing a new limb could have brought about a cure.

Apart from the Catholic countries, Italy, Spain, Austria, France, etc., the only place where miracles are supposed to occur is in the U.S.A. Every few weeks a new religion is founded or a revised version of an old one is resurrected. Usually a child sees the Virgin Mary in an isolated village where life is very drab and the people starved for excitement and where the local newspapers have little sensational to offer. So the local journalists get down to it and an exaggerated write-up is given of some ghost-seeing event. The result is that the newspaper sales go up, hotels benefit, shops get record sales, churches, chapels and other local businesses including the pubs get a good rake off it, and all because of the flood of visitors into the village.

Generally speaking, "the age of miracles" is past. God who used to reveal himself to mankind at frequent intervals in his busy life, seems to have got fed up with it. He may of course be genuinely too busy, or he has concluded that his presence only convinces the lesser-educated with stultified powers of perception.

Seriously, the basis for miracles has largely been destroyed as a result of the better understanding of mankind generally. It doesn’t take a lot of scientific knowledge to understand the absurdities behind the claims of any miracle.
Horace Jarvis
 

What is religion? - Part 3 (1953)

From the October 1953 issue of the Socialist Standard


Causes of Belief in God
The causes of belief in God or gods are usually to be found in fear and ignorance or a combination of both. It is quite easy to imagine how primitive man feared all the things he could not understand; natural phenomena as exemplified in volcanoes, earthquakes, storms at sea, forest fires, pestilence, plagues and disease. None of these things could he understand or explain with his limited knowledge.

The phenomenon of death was always a puzzle to mankind, especially was this the case when one lost friends with whom one had hunted, fished, talked to, etc., and when, without apparent warning, all this happy association ceased. The once animated body, pulsating with life and energy, suddenly became lifeless, cold and still. It was just as impossible for them to explain this strange affair as it is for a young child to understand that people die. Added to this came dreams in which primitive man found himself again in the company with those who had died and whom he had buried. What was the explanation of this strange happening? Little did early man realise that he had been dreaming; the same with a young child who awakes after a nightmare. He knew or believed that he had been fighting wild animals, or enemies, and with those of his companions he had recently buried. When after such a dream he awoke—what could he possibly conclude ? The idea of another self which did things on some occasions was probably one of the earliest ideas of a soul, and in this case it wasn't schizophrenia. While he was alive, i.e., awake and conscious, he knew he was alive, and yet in some unexplainable way he came into contact with those he knew or thought were dead and buried.

It is well known that indigestion causes nightmares, especially that variety of indigestion that follows feasting that all primitive races indulged in between the periods of famine and semi-starvation. When a large animal was captured for food it had to be eaten while “the going was good," for it would not keep long, and the next meal might be a few days off.

The habit of burying the dead is thought to have taken origin not from hygiene, but for the purpose of preventing the spirit of the dead from haunting the living. Hence they drove thick sticks or stakes into these bodies to hold them down (so that they wouldn't roam at night), and piled heaps of heavy stones on them, again for the same purpose. The latter was the forerunner and origin of the tombstone and the coffin.

When priests arrived on the scene at a later stage, they were not slow to capitalise these fears and dreams of early man, although they in their turn could no more explain them than could the rest.

The first gods (corpse worship) were made as effigies of the dead, especially the dead chiefs and leaders of the tribe, and the best warriors. The gods of the black races were black, with short black curly hair like those who made them. Where the races had long hair and painted skins, so, too, were the gods made. The gods of the Chinese were yellow-skinned and with slit-like eyes of their makers. Truly did man create his gods in his own image.

With the making of the gods the god business grew up with the priests as leaders, skilled in tribal magic. It was only necessary for them to possess a little knowledge above the average, or to pretend to possess it. No doubt the only knowledge some of the first priests had was that they knew that there was by bluff prestige and power to be obtained from the god business. Savages and primitive man were very credulous, seldom doubting, hence credulity became a vice, not a virtue, for religion to take root in. Believing without evidence or against evidence is the negation of thinking and logic. No wonder Marx wrote that “ the criticism of religion is the beginning of all criticism."
Horace Jarvis
 

What is religion? - Part 2 (1953)

From the September 1953 issue of the Socialist Standard


Belief in God
Of the five fundamentals of religion, belief in God is certainly the most important, because if there be no God, then miracles can’t happen, there being nobody to make them happen. After-life could not be considered, and prayer would be a waste of time, for there would be nobody to pray to. Inspired books would not exist for nobody could write them. Clearly then, if there be no God the whole fabric of religion falls to the ground.

All the arguments for God yet launched fall into five categories.
  1. The Aristotelean argument of First Cause.
  2. The Universality of belief in God.
  3. The Teleological or design in Nature.
  4. The Moral or Ethical Argument.
  5. Arguments built on the gaps in science.
Those who affirm God on the grounds that there must be a beginning to the Universe, to Life and to Man, argue that there' must be or has been a prime mover who started it all, and who set the wheels of the universe working.

Of course there either was or was not a beginning. If there was a beginning then there was a beginning of everything including God. But those who hold this First Cause idea find it difficult to theorise or postulate the beginning of God. God they argue always existed, which contradicts their own argument. If one thing never had a beginning, and upon this everything else rests, then the whole argument is put out of joint Materialists have consistently claimed that matter always existed and always will exist because you can neither make nor destroy matter, so we have no problem to explain how something that always existed came into existence. Therefore we can dispense with God in the first cause idea.

The Universality argument postulates God on the supposed universality of belief in his existence. This appeared true in the Middle Ages when man’s knowledge of the world was limited and there were vast tracts of unexplored territory. When Australia was first discovered, it was found that the aborigines had no ideas about God or gods, and the same with the Tasmanian aborigines (now extinct). Then the first contacts with the Eskimos revealed that they had no God or gods. In other parts of the world where primitive people had lived in comparative isolation and not been contaminated by missionaries, many of them remained agnostic.

The teleological or design in nature argument is still very popular. Those who champion it find God in the marvels of nature, the human eye, the beauty of the rose, etc. They never find God in the tape-worm with its tiny hooks so that it can hook itself into the lining of the human intestine and so prevent one’s food from washing it through the system. The tape-worm also has glands along its body which secrete a strong alkaline fluid which neutralises the gastric juice, and so prevents it from being digested or killed. Did God think out all these marvellous things, so that his masterpiece—man—could have harmful parasites sucking his very life blood from within? Those who find God in the healthy child never find God in the child born blind, deaf, dumb or an imbecile; and yet if he made the one he made the other. Whoever made health, made disease, the diphtheria bacillus, the cancer tumour and the plague, etc. The planless nature of the universe puts the teleological argument right out of bounds.

Those who find God in the moral and ethical issues proclaim that because people on the whole strive to do good and to live a just life, that there must be a God regulating their conscience. But what happens when people do wrong or act against God? As Mark Twain observed the Devil rules about three-quarters of the world and has a much larger following than any God ever had. As Socialists we know that moral and ethical problems are largely the result of economic conditions. A Bishop faced with no alternative but to starve or to steal some food, would choose the latter. Most people have little more choice than this in what they do, and are far more influenced by economic factors than they appear to realise. All moral and ethical questions are conditioned by or even changed by their social environment, and the ideas of one country or epoch are frequently the opposite to those of another.

Lastly the gaps in science. Why the rainbow, the tides, the rising and setting of the sun and the phases of the moon? To-day we know the answer to all these phenomena but primitive man didn’t know, and many don’t know to-day because of their absence of elementary knowledge of science. Such questions got people guessing and they found their answer in “God made them,” or “ God does it,” or “God controls it,” all of which mean that the whole thing is beyond their comprehension.

To-day we know full well that the rainbow has nothing to do with God once having flooded the world and put the sign in the sky to show that he was sorry for having done such a wicked thing. The rainbow is purely a physical phenomenon not needing the help of a supernatural to explain it.

There are a lot of things about Nature which we do not know, but there is no need to postulate God because of our ignorance. To primitive man storms at sea and pestilence were signs that the gods were angry with him, but as mankind's knowledge has improved, God has disappeared from the cosmos. With the growth of intelligence God has retreated. God, who could reveal himself at any moment, has now to be searched for.

We have examined the arguments for the existence of God and found that none of them will hold water, and must therefore conclude in the absence of being able to prove a negative, that no God or gods exist. There is perhaps a little difference between what has come to be the critical atheist’s argument against God, as outlined above and what could be called the materialist’s approach. The latter is content with the fact (or rests on the basis) that one can neither make nor destroy matter, so therefore has no need to look into the pros or cons about God, but lets him sleep undisturbed except for the enquiries of the secularists, freethinkers, rationalists and the like.
Horace Jarvis

The T.U.C. 1950 (1950)

From the October 1950 issue of the Socialist Standard
 
The 82nd Trade Union Congress met this year in September at Brighton; 917 delegates from 186 Trade Unions represented just over 7,883,000 in combined membership, i.e. 53,000 less than in 1949.

For some years past, especially since the election of the Labour Party to run British Capitalism, the main debates at Congress have been centred on Government Policy with the 33 elected members of the General Council of the T.U.C. and the majority of the Union delegates defending and excusing the Government. In order to add weight to the defence, prominent Labour Party members are invited to address the delegates and, as in 1949, the Prime Minister, Mr. Attlee, again called upon the delegates to support the Labour government. The cultivation of the T.U.C. by the Labour Party is, of course, no mere polite gesture for, of the over 5,700,000 members of the Labour Party more than 4,900,000 are provided by trade union affiliation.

The Chairman, Mr. Deakin, Sir William Lawther and Mr. Attlee all went out of their way to warn delegates that, owing to the attitude of Russia, progress and recovery were in danger. Mr. Attlee warned of the new sacrifices the Labour Party expected from the unions consequent on large-scale re-armament programmes, called for a continued support for “wage restraint” and finally urged trade unionists to encourage the young to join the Regular and Auxiliary Armed Forces. Adding the fatuous suggestion that such regulars should be allowed to retain their Trade Union membership.

The following day the statement by the General Council supporting the Government’s policy on Korea was endorsed.

Having supported the Labour Government’s intentions regarding War, the delegates then proceeded to two items more directly concerned with Trade Union activity, i.e. “Wage Restraint” and the implementation by the Government of its policy of “Equal Pay for Equal Work,” rejecting the former and supporting the latter and thus overturning their previous policies on these matters.

Equilibrium was somewhat restored by the defeat of a resolution urging the Government to discontinue the “Conditions of Employment Arbitration Order No. 1305.” This order not only makes almost all strikes illegal, but prevents the payment from Union Funds of “strike-pay” to strikers and also leaves strikers open to claims for damages by the employers. (Eleven miners at St. Helens, Lancs., were recently arrested for failing to pay £10 each for damages awarded to the National Coal Board because the men took part in an "unofficial” strike. They were only released after the money for the fines had been found by their Branch of the National Union of Mineworkers. Manchester Guardian, 18-9-50).

Useless Nationalisation
Congress dealt with the question of Nationalisation. The General Council presented its Report on “The Public Control of Industry” which admitted that Nationalisation of coal and transport had, as yet, increased the cost of coal, but pleaded that it was early days yet to see the full effect. It ended by stating that public ownership need not "always take the form of the nationalisation of whole industries and there is important scope for selective or competitive public enterprise and for the encouragement of Co-operation.” In other words, the administration of capitalism is showing these reformers that, despite their early claims that Nationalisation would resolve all of our difficulties, it simply does not work. Mr. Lincoln Evans (General Secretary of the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation) who presented this report on behalf of the General Council, confessed "that experience of public ownership in the first five years had revealed problems that were not anticipated ” and that "anyone naive enough to believe that change of ownership in itself was an answer was finding out that that was not so.” (Daily Telegraph 6-9-50). Of course, it is Mr. Evans himself who is appearing to be naive in believing that nationalisation is the ending of capitalist ownership. Evidently he was warning the supporters of Nationalisation that the problem was more prickly than he and his friends anticipated. We can assure Mr. Evans that no socialist would be naive enough to swallow the Nationalisation myth.

Lord Citrine, addressed the Congress in his personal capacity. (He was the Secretary of the T.U.C. before the present secretary. Sir Vincent Tewson). He gave his opinions based on his personal experiences as a member of the National Coal Board and as the present Chairman of the British Electricity Authority. He too was very cautious about Nationalisation and referred to the " ‘gigantic' problems facing the Nationalised Industries, the time that would be needed to overcome them, and the importance of full co-operation on both sides to ensure success." In referring to the change over to government direction of the Coal and Electricity Industries, "he several times returned to the theme of the responsibility of trade unionists for the form of nationalisation legislation and therefore their responsibility for taking a full share in making it work.” (Manchester Guardian, 8-9-50).

When it is all boiled down these people are only trying to show that the present needs of capitalism are tending towards more central government direction and. as this occurs, they require the working-class through the unions to assist in the successful running of industry, i.e. to send up production figures; further, that such adjustments in the administration are of advantage to members of the working-class.

Our suggestion is that those who are interested m the views of Mr. Evans and Lord Citrine should take a close look at the activities of those Trade Unions whose members already work in Nationalised Industries, i.e. the Civil Service, which has seven Unions affiliated to the T.U.C. Their history is one of a continued struggle for improved wages and conditions carried on with every Government in power since the existence of those unions. Joint consultative machinery is of very long standing, yet these Unions are constantly in opposition to Government representatives over questions of pay and conditions. If we are to believe what the advocates of Nationalisation say, such activities should have never arisen, and the Trade Unions in the Civil Service would merely be assistants in the task of increasing output and improving efficiency.

On the last day of Congress, Mr. Jack Tanner (President of the Amalgamated Engineering Union) introduced the General Council’s Report on "Productivity” and “laid the responsibility for increased efficiency on every member of the trade union movement.” (Manchester Guardian, 9-9-50). Mr. Tanner has been harping on this theme for several years on behalf of the General Council. The assertions connected with it are that foreign trade will consequently improve and that goods will be obtainable at a cheaper price and thus benefit the working class. Mr. Tanner seems to have forgotten the lessons of the last twenty- five years.

In April, 1948, The T.U.C. issued a leaflet entitled, "Ten Questions about that Extra Ten Per Cent.” and urged the workers to fall into line with the appeal of Mr. Attlee that, “An all-out effort will increase our total production by the ten per cent, we need to turn the tide.” In November, 1948, a Special Conference of Trade Union Executives was called in London to discuss the General Council’s Report on "Productivity.” The Report, which was accepted, called for increased production, closer consultation between the unions and the employers, the re-examining of "restrictive practices” and support for Training within Industry. At the end of 1948 still another leaflet was issued by the Government’s Central Office of Information entitled, "Productivity Pays . . . And How ” it was circulated among the Trade Union members. It purported to show how productivity could be increased during 1949 and was signed by the President of the F.B.I., Will Lawther (now Sir William Lawther), the then President of the T.U.C. and by the President of the British Employer’s Confederation. These gentlemen said, "We warmly endorse this move to make widely known the efforts now being made in industry to improve Productivity, and the profound importance to management, workers and the whole community of a steady and rapid increase in our rate of output.” (Perhaps it was sheer shyness on the part of the shareholders that reference to them was omitted from this endorsement?).

It is possible now to see what has been the result of the campaign for increased production. In 1948 Mr. Attlee wanted just an extra 10 per cent. Since then according to official figures industrial production has increased by 18 per cent. (“Monthly Digest of Statistics,” August 1950). Is Mr. Attlee satisfied and can the workers now begin to take their reward in higher wages or lower prices? By no means! In line with the normal progress of capitalism still more increases of production are demanded, partly to reduce export prices to undersell rivals abroad but particularly to provide for larger armed forces and war preparations.

Wage increases since 1948 have been insufficient even to keep pace with the rise of the cost of living, the official wage index having risen by only 5 points while the cost of living index has risen by 7 points, from 106 to 113. Wage restraint is still the order of the day.

In the meantime profits have kept up quite comfortably during the past two years and the future looks more rosy still. “It would seem from the latest quarterly figures that industrial profits are again rising ” (“Economist ” 5 August 1950).

The results of the T.U.C. show clearly that the working class is still wedded to the idea that they have a stake in capitalism. They have still to learn that the quicker they cease to bother their heads about the way to run capitalism the more quickly will they begin to appreciate the advantages of Socialism; of a system where there will be no classes; without struggles of trade rivalry and without the threat of war; a society in which men and women will be free and in peace, to use their abilities for the benefit of a classless community.
PEDCA.

Korea: An Imperialist Cockpit (1950)

From the October 1950 issue of the Socialist Standard

On the 12th September Mr. Attlee addressed the House of Commons on new “defence” measures. On the same day the Evening Standard published a report of his address. From this report we learn that:
“The steps we are asking the House to endorse are taken solely with the intention of preventing another war and resisting in its early stages the onward march of aggression.”
What a familiar ring this statement has! The “steps” in question covered increased man-power and equipment for the fighting forces. Larger and more efficient fighting machines mean larger and more efficient killing and destroying machines. More and more of the world’s productive power is being concentrated upon purely destructive purposes as time goes on. During each war we are promised peace and plenty when that particular awkward squad has been removed. But no sooner has one awkward squad been liquidated than another pops up in its place. From the East we are told that the “Western Imperialists” are the niggers in the woodpile, and from the West we are told it is the “Eastern Imperialists.” The fact that it is both is only appreciated by the socialist. In 1914 similar “steps” were taken to stop the Junkers and prevent further wars; they were stopped but it made no difference; wars went on. In the 30*s the “steps” were to stop the Fascists and the Nazis. They were stopped, but not further wars. Now it is the Kremlin and so the comedy is played on. Steps are always allegedly being taken to stop wars but these “steps” consist of building up bigger and better means to wage war.

For nearly forty years we have been living in the midst of a catastrophe or on the brink of one. The Labour Government has learnt nothing more from its predecessors' failures than to follow the same well worn road to the battlefield. It has not a single policy that is directed at the root of the trouble—the property basis of society. The same thing is true of the governments of America, France, Russia and the rest.

Conditions make nonsense of all the “statesmanlike” forecasts of what will be done after hostilities cease. Those who make these forecasts forget that we are not living in a vacuum but in a real world consisting of sections of people with conflicting interests arising out of property relationships. During the last Great War, just as during the previous one, we were assured that Germany would never be allowed to arm again and become a potential threat to world “peace.” Conditions have again knocked the stuffing out of this assurance. Now we are being prepared to accept a re-armed Germany—in the interests of peace! Major-General Sir Francis de Guingard (Sunday Times, Sept. 17th) puts the question in the following way:
“This all leads to the problem of German participation in Western defence. Without it, any question of trying to hold up an aggressor on the Elbe is ruled out.  . . . We must, therefore, accept a major German participation in defence: otherwise we are likely to lose the ‘soul of Germany,’ the good will of the German people, and maybe Europe. Without it there is grave risk that Western Union defence will be unable to marshal sufficient strength, even to hold the Rhine, by 'Danger Day’—say in perhaps one or two years’ time.”
To return to Mr. Attlee’s address. He repeats the kind of phrase that was used in relation to the Nazis by members of the Tory Government.
“I have every confidence that aggression will be halted and a salutary lesson given to would-be aggressors.”
How often have we heard this banal phrase! Later on he makes nonsense of this “confidence” by stating:
“We must face the fact that what happened in Korea may in one form or another be repeated elsewhere.”
It does not require much insight to realise that this is the obvious policy for the Russian Government to follow. Imperialist Russia is in a position to use other groups as tools by playing craftily upon the cupidity of propertied sections that wish to be rid of Western influences and, at the same time, its fake anti-capitalist protestations mislead sections of the working class. The Western “Democracies” on the other hand have to convince those who must bear the burden of the fighting that their existence is jeopardised and that, on this account, sacrifices are “necessary.”

Major-General de Guingard commenced the article, to which we have already referred, with the following words;
“The Western world should be truly thankful for the Korean aggression; for it has set ablaze an alertness and determination that may prove our salvation.”
We wonder what the homeless, battered and suffering Koreans would reply to this expression of high sentiment? How do they feel about being the subject of warfare between conflicting imperialisms? Both in the North and the South homes and industries are being reduced to ruins; Koreans are dying by the thousand and by the thousand they are leaving ruined homes to trek wearily they know not where. When it is all over and some survivors return to the battered ruins that remain what will their feelings be towards their respective backers and “liberators ”? Some forms of liberation they have already experienced; the liberation from life, homes, home-ties and the means of living. An indication of the attitude of the South Koreans, as well as the soldiers of the United Nations, was given in an article by a war correspondent, Richard Hughes, which appeared in the Sunday Times on the 10th Sept. Here are some illuminating extracts from the article.
“Nor is there any real soul to this war. No profound sympathy or even warm liking exists between the Americans and the South Koreans. The soldiers of the United States and Britain notoriously have little abstract opinion or articulate comment on why they are fighting, but they usually detect in any war a menace to their country or to their home. As they profanely insist, they can perceive nothing of that sort in this war.

“However they have now developed a hatred for the enemy, largely because of his atrocities. And their earlier natural resentment at the spectacle of able-bodied Korean youths squatting impassively by the road and watching the white man move forward to ‘defend’ them has disappeared as President Syngman Rhee’s conscription orders become effective and 5,000 Koreans in American battledress are added to each American division to take over hill fighting."
The fact that masses of the South Koreans had to be conscripted before they would bother to take up arms does not suggest that they were very much worried about the threat from the North. If Information were available probably the same kind of thing could be said about the Northerners when they realised the price they were called upon to pay for what they thought would be a minor internal struggle. However both groups of pawns will have plenty more to worry about when hostilities have ceased and they have to set about rebuilding what they have lost

In fact none of the Governments involved were fundamentally concerned about liberating or defending the Koreans as a body. Korea is simply a cockpit, one of the bloodier strategic moves in the greater struggle between rival imperialisms.

In the course of his address Mr. Attlee said: “But it does mean that in our view we must take every practicable step that is possible to prevent war.” There is only one practicable step that can prevent war and that is to abolish the cause of war. This step Mr. Attlee and his colleagues are unable to take, even if they wished to do so, because they sought votes for. and became the government on, a programme that ensures the continuance of capitalism. The continuance of Capitalism necessitates the production of goods for the purpose of ensuring dividends and interest to those who invest. In order to accomplish this object goods have to be sold. Production and sale requires sources of supply of raw materials, markets in which to buy and sell products and unmolested trade routes to the markets and to the places from which the raw materials come. Out of these requirements wars arise, and as long as production is organised for the purpose of selling goods at a profit there will always be wars. When buying and selling have disappeared along with property incomes the objects of wars will no longer exist. Until then "small nations” will be the pawns of the more powerful groups and working men and women will lose their lives in quarrels that do not concern them.
Gilmac.

Editorial: General Smuts (1950)

Editorial from the October 1950 issue of the Socialist Standard

As in this century it has become a widely accepted convention for professional politicians to speak well—and indeed flatteringly—of their party opponents when they die it would perhaps be unreasonable to expect obituary judgments to be well balanced and critical. With this in mind we could pass over the exaggerated praise of the work and qualities of the late General Smuts but still demand that those who attempt to assess him should give a recognisable portrait. But to do that the writers need to recognise what part Smuts played and the background against which he played it. In particular they need to see that he was a figure in the world of capitalism, thrown up by class interests and strictly limited in his action by the social system in which he lived and by the forces he represented. Instead many of the writers, including some who might have been expected to have at least some understanding of the reality, try to interpret him as if he had complete freedom of action to behave according to some abstract ideal, and as if therefore his seeming inconsistencies had to be explained as defects of character or courage or as errors of judgment.

A line taken by many who paid tribute to Smuts is that he was a man above class and national prejudices. To Mr. Attlee there was “in his large heart . . . a place for all humanity. His great contribution to the creation of the United Nations is but one example of his breadth of view and world statesmanship." (Daily Herald 12/9/50). The Prime Minister of Canada described him as having “adopted the world as his nation,” and Mr. W. N. Ewer (Daily Herald 12/9/50) credited him with “imaginative genius and liberal instincts . . .  His real greatness lay, perhaps, in his imaginative understanding of wider issues.”

These and many similar opinions explain nothing and merely fog the issue. The picture of the errant genius, usually triumphing over obstacles and the stupidity of lesser men, but occasionally falling below his own high ideals is and must be fundamentally false. The real Smuts started as a representative of the Boer farmers in their unsuccessful war against British imperialism and then came to power in South Africa as a capitalist politician, trying, as all administrators of capitalism must do, to reconcile divergent propertied class interests while defending South African capitalism against white workers and the non-white majority of the population. When we are told that he represented “all humanity” we need only remind Mr. Attlee of his own position as a caretaker of British capitalism—there is no room in capitalist administration for a “Minister for the welfare of all humanity.”

Attlee and Ewer cannot have forgotten how the Trade Union Congress condemned Smuts for his part in the crushing of the striking gold miners on the Rand in 1922. Mr. Ewer does in fact refer to it but interprets it (as also Smuts' attitude towards the natives) as “limitations” of his character. “His iron-fisted handling of the great Rand strike . . . cannot be forgotten in any judgment of him. And, though he opposed the ‘native' policies of Herzog and Malan, he was always a rigid up-holder of the idea of ‘white supremacy.' " 

The miners on the Rand in 1922 faced an attempt by the owners to force down wages and to undercut their standards by employing more low-paid native workers. In the strikes and rioting that followed it was Smuts who declared martial law and used troops, artillery, tanks and bombing planes to crush what he called a “reign of Red Terror.” Many lives were lost and many workers imprisoned.

The aspect of this that interested the writer of the lengthy tribute in the Manchester Guardian (12/9/50) was the bold way in which Smuts handled it. “Smuts’ personal courage and decision in this emergency are still the subject of talk in South Africa; after proclaiming his intention to impose martial law, he made his way secretly to Johannesburg, took command, and within a few days restored order.”

No noticeable evidence of the much praised love of “all humanity” there!

The Times gets nearer to a recognition of the class nature of Smuts’ activities and interests when it points out how his party was defeated at the election in 1924 and he lost his own seat: —
“Of the many charges brought against Smuts, who had been in power for so long a time, two of the most widely circulated and effective were, based on his use of troops in suppressing the Johannesburg strike in 1922 and his connection with the Chamber of Mines, whose agent he was declared to be.”—(Times, 12/9/50.)
The South African workers had not forgotten how Smuts’ intervention strengthened the hand of the Chamber of Mines in their attack on wages.

It may be that Smuts had what Mr. Ewer calls liberal instincts but a capitalist politician cannot serve two masters, he cannot sacrifice the interests of the class for whom capitalism functions in order to serve the interests of those whom capitalism exploits. His love of all humanity did not include the white workers and the native population when their actions in their own interests clashed with those of the ruling class, and it would not be far wrong to say that a large element in the universal scope of Smuts’ vision was the necessarily world-wide interests of a country the main economic basis of which is the production of gold for world trade. South Africa had grown from a Boer farming community to an expansionist capitalism and Smuts’ horizon expanded with it.

What is man? (1950)

From the October 1950 issue of the Socialist Standard

If we were to be asked what, in this world and all that in it is, men understand least, we should be tempted to reply—men themselves. This may seem a little astonishing when we observe the great advances made by men so far as the non human side of nature is concerned. Physics and chemistry can show a worthwhile, even spectacular progress. With it have gone notable technical achievements. In the field of biology reliable evidence has been built up about man considered as an adaptable organism. Yet, when we view men from the most fundamental stand-point, that is their social relations with each other, only then does their knowledge about themselves seem meagre, distorted and even mystical. Their power to utilise natural forces is quite unmatched by their power to control and plan their social lives.

Not that men have not sought to explain themselves. They have never ceased to do so. From time to time they have entertained notions of themselves as the darlings or the playthings of the gods; the unwitting victims of fate or kismet; 'the sports of chance, or even the splendid products of cosmic design. What men, by and large, have never significantly understood is themselves as men. They have never appreciated at its true level, the fact that, as men, they are the offspring of historical forces; the heirs of certain socially determined conditions as well as the initiators and begetters of all social change. 

It will have been noticed perhaps, that we have used the term “men” rather than individual man. The choice is a deliberate one. There is no scientific evidence to support the view that men have lived their lives as isolated specimens of the human genus without knowledge or experience of others of their kind; as “lone wolves” pursuing solitary productive activity. The notion of the bare individual with no social reference is something which cannot be adequately defined. It certainly cannot constitute the starting point of any investigation into the concrete behaviour of actual men existing at any particular time. In living fact we are always confronted with a man who exists in a social organisation with the other men; a self whose identity is established by his relationship with other selves in a social framework. We do not begin our lives with self consciousness. It is acquired at a later stage of our mental development. Our consciousness of self coexists with consciousness of other selves. Before there is a man, there are men. If an infant were to be deposited in the heart of the African jungle, and assuming it could live, it would never achieve self consciousness. It could never acquire language, culture, a code of ethics or anything which is distinctly human. It could only be an animal, and one poorly equipped to survive, among other animals.

The institutions of men, their culture and ideas, are not part of their biological structure but an outcome of social organisation. The birth of a baby as an organic being is a natural fact. Human beings are however born in society not outside of it. It is society which enables and ensures that their genetic potentialities can be actualised into something specifically human; i.e. the acquiring of speech, self consciousness, social skill and techniques, which includes not only the using of tools but the making of them. In short, it is society which makes possible the possession of those human attributes which mark men off from the animal kingdom.

Individuals are not then self-existing, self-sufficing atoms who arbitrarily come together for purposes of temporary experience but people who can only live by making demands on others and having demands made upon them in turn. People can only fulfil their own needs by fulfilling the needs of others. The products of labour by which a man lives cannot be exclusively his own, but are the result of communal effort. Because labour is social labour, that is men working together in a definite way, every man is dependent upon the social skill and techniques which he, in common with others, socially inherits. Even a man working on his own has much more than his own efforts going into the work he produces. Strip a man of his social dependencies or attempt to abstract him from the complex of his social environment and nothing which is uniquely or recognisably human is left.

The individual is not than a prerequisite, but a result of society. While society is composed of individuals, these individuals work and live in a mutual dependence upon each other. That is why different societies produce different types of individuals. They even produce different notions of what constitutes individuality.

If the individual man cannot exist apart from society how then did men enter into productive cooperation with each other? The answer is that our gregarious sub-human ancestry were forced by brute necessity to involuntarily enter into a primitive form of economic co-operation. It was this primitive productive process, not known to other animals, that finally forced them into becoming men.

The things that bind men together in a thousand and one social ties are not abstract notions of self interest or eternal mental attributes but primary human needs indispensable to man’s existence:—that is food, clothing and shelter or as Engel's says “the production and reproduction of life itself.” This holds good for past society, for present society and society for all time. The basic social bond between man and man is not spiritual or psychological. It is practical. Men need each other's bodies in order to live before they need each others minds in order to converse. As Marx points out, speech is consciousness and speech arises from the concrete practical needs of social intercourse.

We have so far spoken of man as distinct from nature but the distinction is of course only a relative one. Men live in nature and through nature. Men act upon nature and are acted upon in turn.
“He (man) opposes himself to nature as one of her own forces, setting in motion arms and legs, head and hands, the natural forces of his body, in order to appropriate nature's productions in a form adapted to his own wants. By thus acting on the external world and changing it, he at the same time changes his own nature. He develops his slumbering powers and compels them to act in obedience to his sway."
(Capital Vol. I P.P 156-157 Swan Sonnenschein.)
It is this interaction between men and nature that constitutes economic production. Human nature, so far from being a constant in terms of fixed instincts, innate capacities and desires is, within its organic limits, something which can be changed by men’s historical and productive activity. ‘‘All History,” says Marx, “is the progressive modification of human nature.”

Men’s adaptation to nature is not an organic adaptation to external conditions. It is a social adaptation carried out by socially organised labour in order that men may live. Birds fly and fish swim as the result of biological adaptation to external conditions. Men travel through air and water better than birds or fish but they do it, not as individuals responding to external stimuli but as an organised social body acting on nature in a planned and purposeful way.

Men’s language, science, art, techniques and skills are not adaptations to nature. They are adaptations inside society and through society, which acts as an organised force upon nature in certain specific ways. Men in this way are able to change the face of nature and utilise its forces in a way unknown to the rest of the animal world. Thus, while man has biologically changed very little over thousands of years, his social evolution has been continuous and remarkable. Men, socially, are able to manipulate and change nature-given material, i.e. by building cities, roads, means of transport, machinery, etc., and in changing their environment, the changers are changed themselves. In addition, men, by changing their environment gain a deeper insight into the causal nature of reality. By increasing their knowledge of nature and society they enlarge their views and change their conceptions of reality. They thus change their conception of themselves as part of this reality. It is the development of the social productive relations which makes the culture of chattel slavery different from that of modern capitalism. This difference lies in the different social environment. This different environment as a result produces different men.

To-day we no longer have the Egyptian Pharaoh, the Greek gentleman, the Roman patrician. The feudal lord has gone and the mediaeval knight is buried with his battle-axe. Not only have they disappeared as men but with them has passed, a whole way of life. A whole way of social thinking and acting has disappeared down the irreversible stream of time. Today men are not born into the social relations of slave master and slave, or overlord and serf. They are born as employer and wage-earner. Today a different social system has produced a different subject class and with it a different individual. Today the modem workers must be educated in the arts, the crafts, the technologies and the sciences. Collectively they must perform all the complicated functions necessary to run a complex system. Their acquiescence to Capitalism must be sought in a thousand different ways via the schools, press and radio. Today they have the vote. Tomorrow, class knowledge behind that vote can sweep the capitalist system into the limbo of social antiquities. By understanding the class struggle, men can end it and usher in a social classless era and a classless man.

The nature of social man then is to change. The collective history of men reveals a vast and shifting multitude of men in different social systems; each system with its different civilisations, institutions, culture, technology and its peculiar religion and philosophy.

Social changes occur because men find that their needs cannot be adequately satisfied within a given social order. The forerunners of the present capitalist class brought about the destruction of the old feudal order because productive development had made possible new needs which the old system, based on less efficient methods of wealth production, could not satisfy. In the course of these social changes men changed themselves.

Today the needs of the working class are the class-conditioned needs of an exploited section of the community. Their needs are determined not by what they produce but by how much is necessary to keep them in efficient production and reproduction of their working energies. Thus in a profit economy like capitalism the social well-being of the class that owns is dependent upon those who toil. There is an ever growing disparity between what the worker actually gets and what the productive capacity makes possible.

The capitalist class has carried the process of the division of labour to a point which has increased the productivity of labour and cheapened labour costs. For the capitalist it has meant vastly increased profits. For the worker it has had the most harmful results. The capitalist system has fragmented much of the productive capacities and working faculties of men into multifarious impersonal automatic processes. In this way Capitalism compels many to be chained to exclusive spheres of repetitious productive activity which cripples their natural endowments. Capitalism wherever possible seizes on every trade and craft and seeks to convert it into an ever increasing number of detailed processes and repetitive operations. The capitalist in demanding excessive specialisation compels the worker to sacrifice all other faculties. In this way capitalism cripples and deforms human nature and forces it into dehumanising activities. The worker does not work for himself or for a common communal activity in which the exercise of the special capacities of all may be made available for all. He works under orders in an appointed way at an appointed time. As Marx has said, he works merely for money which has nothing to do with work itself. Today man is no longer a productive animal working for the pleasure that the exercise of his productive faculties gives him. He is only half a man or half the man he could be in the exercise of his genuine human potentialities.

The outworn cliche, “You can’t change human nature,” is still in vogue. It serves to perpetuate the notion that “human nature” being what it is, capitalism is the only system possible. Through the ages a motley crew of priests, pundits and politicians has echoed and re-echoed it. The pity is, not that they have said it but that the multitude, to whom they have said it, has, without understanding what it means, accepted it.

Human nature has changed and is still changing. Its most fundamental change is dependent upon the vast majority becoming socialists. Only when men have realised socialism will the opportunities for man to come of age be realised.
Ted Wilmott

Passing Comments: Re-armament (1950)

The Passing Comments Column from the October 1950 issue of the Socialist Standard
 
Re-armament

The Investor’s Chronicle runs a service for its readers which answers their questions about buying and selling shares; each week it prints four or five of those which are of most general interest. In the issue of 12-8-50 this question was one of those thought to be of widest interest: “Can you name a sound engineering share which offers a good yield and which might benefit from re-armament?” The questioner was recommended to buy an engineering share which, though nominally five shillings, now stands at twenty shillings; the dividend is 26¼  per cent, and the yield 6½ per cent. And in the issue of 26-8-50 this question was one of those printed: “I think that the Far Eastern set-up, coupled with re-armament, augurs well for the wool-producing companies and should be glad if you will please give me a recommendation if you agree with my views.” The person who replied to this enquirer did agree with his views, for he draws his attention to a New Zealand company whose shares, now at par, pay 8 per cent. Wool hasn’t disappointed those shareholders who followed this advice, since the prices quoted at the Sydney wool-sales on August 28th went up 50 per cent.; a little later. South African wool showed even bigger increases in price.


Lower Income Groups

Some people, then, stand to gain considerably if the war spreads. But war, as we are regularly reminded, entails sacrifice. Sacrifice on whose part? Here the Investor’s Chronicle again comes in useful. It is unblushingly frank on this matter, disdaining the usual talk about “equality of suffering.” First of all its commentator Candidus pours scorn on the idea of having a capital levy. Then he goes on: “There is no escape from the simple facts of the case. To the extent that re-armament is not provided from extra effort and by America, it can only come from reduced consumption in the directions where the great mass of consumption now resides—in the ranks of the lower income groups.”


Scroungers

At Birmingham on August 22nd a man was charged with persistently neglecting to maintain himself, and was sent to jail for two months. He refused to work for his living, and tried to get the National Assistance authorities to support him instead. This case is important, because it establishes a precedent, which always weighs heavily with the judge when he is reaching his decision. Professor Charles Oman refers to the "inveterate respect for precedent which sways the legal mind.” It seems that the rule now is to be that people who do not work for their own living, although they are capable of doing so, are to be sent to jail. This rule should be enforced thoroughly. Numbers of shareholders and landowners are to be found around Lombard Street and scattered up and down the country, who have never earned their own livings, and who have no intention of doing so: worse, they make other people work for them, people who themselves have to live on much lower incomes. These property owners are thus offending more than the man who got two months: but with immediate action by the police, and a few salutary sentences from the judges—say five years’ penal servitude for a first conviction—no doubt this kind of offence could be stamped out. The fact that these criminals have a lot more money than the man now serving his sentence will make no difference, for every secondary schoolboy is taught that England is famed for her enjoyment of that inestimable privilege, which our ancestors fought and indeed died for, the privilege of Equality before the Law. Is it not well-known that every British citizen, whatever the length of his purse, gets exactly the same treatment in the law-courts? The police should therefore act speedily on this question.


Leopold

The recent disturbances in Belgium over the return of King Leopold provide a good illustration of how the Communists and Social Democrats waste their time. The Daily Worker (4-8-50) praised the leaders of “this historic movement,” or at any rate the Communists among them. After Leopold returned, said the article, “it took the Belgian working class just five minutes to get angry and five days to get organised.” It applauds the “working class unity” that was attained; it describes the strikes, the riots and the processions, and talks about “ this great class battle.” And it leads up to the triumphant conclusion when Leopold agreed to hand over his powers to his son Baudouin—though it blames the Social Democrats for not having insisted on his complete abdication.

When all the shouting and the shooting was over, what had happened? Before the agitation against the king, the Belgian workers were being exploited by the Belgian owners under the nominal presidency of someone called Leopold; after the agitation, the Belgian workers were being exploited under the nominal presidency of someone called Baudouin. Which makes a lot of difference. And yet to obtain such an insignificant change, the “Left-wing” parties strained all their energies, and three men who were following the lead of these parties were shot by the police at Grace-Berleur. The three men were called “martyrs,” and the name is just; the men were martyrs to the ideas of those “leaders” of the working class who, instead of encouraging the workers to understand and bring about Socialism, spend all their time in noisy pursuit of aims which in the end bring no benefit at all to the workers.


Smile, Please

From the Daily Mirror (7-6-50): “A group of people want Britain to smile more, and the first stage of their plan is a Happiness Week for thousands of city folk. It goes into operation in Manchester in 10 days' time. Everybody in the Levenshulme Ward of the City will be asked to smile—at their work, at play, in the streets and at home. Albert Sidi, business man, first thought of it. Smiling James Bowes, councillor for the ward, took it up. Now the church is supporting it, and the Lord Mayor of Manchester, who will be president of the week of smiles. Mr. Sidi said yesterday: ‘ We intend to make people smile and be happy whether they like it or not.’ ” And the point of all this? Mr. Bowes told the Daily Mirror: “It’s a wonderful idea. If we can make people happy they’ll work better. . . .”

Whatever the long-suffering citizens of Levenshulme think about all this nonsense, this last part should make shareholders and profiteers grin like Cheshire Cats.


The Public

The dictionary defines “the public” as “the people in general; all the people.” But in the minds of our politicians and statesmen it has come to mean something quite different. Adam Smith, in his “Wealth of Nations” gives us a hint of this new meaning when he says: “People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.” The implied distinction here between worker and member of the public is repeated with more emphasis by Captain Gammans (“Everybody’s,” 25-3-50): “ Nationalisation has no appeal now to the British public, and, judging from the number of strikes in the Nationalised industries and the growing drift from the Nationalised coal mines, it is losing its magic for the worker as well.” Captain Gammans evidently considers that the same man cannot be both a worker and a member of the public. And if the public, in the sense in which the word is being used today, contains no workers, it must consist entirely of the owning class. This is borne out by the phraseology of the financial columns in the newspapers, which regularly refer to the public as being that body of people which owns shares and other capital. For example, when the City Editor of the Daily Herald suggested (9-8-50) that company law should be amended to rule out directors’ estimates from a company’s prospectus, he said: “Had that been done in the Crittall case and in other cases where the ’estimates’ have been optimistic, the prospectus could never have been issued, and the public’s money saved for more worthy objects.” Here the public covers those people who have money for “more worthy objects,” i.e. capitalist investment. And no worker has any money for investment worth mentioning; if he had, he would not be in the ranks of the working class. It seems then that the new meaning of the public is simply “the owning class.” So the next time you hear of some politician proposing that we reduce wages for the “public” good, or go to war in the “public” interest, you will be able to understand what he really means.


Priority

When Mr. Attlee is replying to Mr. Churchill’s criticisms his theme-song should be “Anything you can do I can do better.” For the Labour Government has brought the country through the “work harder to recover from the war” stage, and is now leading the workers into the “work harder to prepare for the next war” stage. With any luck, it might still be in power when the third part of the workers' eternal triangle is reached, the “work harder to win the war” stage. If it is, it will have proved that it can run the country just as well as any other capitalist government; though that, perhaps, is not saying much.

It was while the rallying-cry was still “work harder to recover from the war” that Mr. Aneurin Bevan made his pronouncement to the working class reported in Reynolds News (17-7-49): “‘Work first, independence second. Socialism third ’ was the order of priority for British workers, Mr. Aneurin Bevan told thousands of Northumberland miners at Morpeth yesterday.” Like his colleagues in the government, Mr. Bevan regards Socialism as a vague and undefined objective for the dim and distant future; but the word is nevertheless useful, since it performs the same function for the workers as the carrot on the end of the stick does for the donkey. The workers never get it, but they are continually being exhorted to produce more so that some day they might.


St. Leger

But Mr. Bevan put work as Priority No. 1 only for the working class; there are others to whom he was not addressing himself. After five years of Labour Government there are many who have undoubtedly attained the second of Mr. Bevan’s objectives, independence, but who regard the other two, work and Socialism, with strong aversion. They need have no fear. Under this government they are equally safe from both.

The Sunday Express gives details of the activities of some of them. Talking of the St. Leger race-meeting,' it says (3-9-50): “The new fashion is to rent a house in Doncaster for the meeting. The Earl and Countess of Derby have taken a modern villa near the course, and Lord Irwin has followed suit. . . . Mr J. V. Rank, the rich miller and race-horse owner, has rented two houses. But there are still some stately homes where the week is celebrated in the traditional manner. The Earl of Scarborough, Lord-Lieutenant of the West Riding, always has a gay party at Sandbeck Park. His neighbour. Lady Galway, is entertaining Jockey Club Steward Sir Humphrey de Trafford, Lady de Trafford, and Sir Rhys Llewellyn. And parties are being taken by the Marquis and Machioness of Hartington, by Baroness Beaumont and by Sir Richard Sykes.”


Marx and the Labour Party

From the Daily Herald (31-7-50): “The Labour Party’s rejection of much of Karl Marx’s teaching had not been a source of weakness, said Morgan Phillips, the Party’s secretary, last night.”

Well, certainly not to Karl Marx’s teaching.
Alwyn Edgar