Foundations. (1904)

Cross-posted from the Reasons To Be Impossible blog

"Since some people are talking about Party foundation arrangements, I reproduce below the minutes of the foundation of the SPGB:"

The Socialist Party of Great Britain Minutes of Inaugural Meeting held at Printers' Hall, Bartletts Passage, Fetter Lane, London, E.C. at 6pm on Sunday 12th June 1904 In accordance with the instructions of the Provisional Committee, R. Elrick and C. Lehane acted as Provisional Chairman and Secretary respectively, and the other members of the Provisional Committee acted as stewards. 

There was a good attendance, and the meeting opened with the singing of "The Red Flag". The Chairman briefly explained the object of the meeting, read the notice convening same, and then moved the following resolution:

"That we hereby declare our membership of and thus form the new Party, the constitution of which it shall be the business of this meeting to formulate". 

The resolution was carried, with three dissentients, who were requested to leave the building, as the invitation to attend was extended only to those who were prepared to cooperate in forming the Party. 

After these persons had left, the Chairman called on those present to give in their names and addresses for enrolment as members, and as a result the following one hundred and forty two names were handed in: 

Miss H. Aitken, Mrs Annie Albery, A.S. Albery, Victor Albery, Arch. Alcock, E.J.B. Allen, Mrs Allen, T.W. Allen, Sidney T. Alston, A. Anderson, G. Anslow, Isaac Asher, Will L. Auger, J.T. Bacon, B.G. Bannington, G. Barber, William Bartlett, Hy. Belsey, John Benford, W. Betts, J. Blaustein, A. Baggis, A.R. Brooker, R.J. Buckingham, H.J. Bull, A.H. Burton, F. Cadman, Miss L.E. Campbell, John Chishekoff, W. Chown, T.C. Collings, Robert Collins, R. Compton, Mrs E. Craske, F. Craske, Harry Crump, John Crump, A. Daintree, H.T. Davey, John W. Day, John Donovan, A.C. Dowdeswell, Paul Dumènil, W. Eayrs, Minnie Eden, Stanley Eden, R. Elrick, Edward Fairbrother, E. Fawcett, J. Fitzgerald, G. Fletcher, Haris Fagel, W. Fox, B. Galloway, John Gordon, C. Goss, A.J.M. Gray, A. Greenham, R.D. Gross, Edward Hammond, E. Hardcastle, G.R. Harris, H.J. Hawkins, Miss K. Hawkins, -- Hicks, Geo. H. Hobbs, G.J. Hodsau, Mabel Hodsau, William Holford, Mrs. Holford, Mrs. Holgate, Miss Homerton, H.E. Hutchins, A.W. Fugham, T.G. Jackson, A. Jacobs, Hyam Jacobs, S. Jacobs, A. Jones, A.C. Jones, G. Jones, Mrs L. Jones, J. Kent, R.H. Kent, W.G. Killick, G.T. King, Mrs King, William Lee, C. Lehane, F.S. Leigh, Hy. Martin, Valentine McEntee, J. McNicol, F. Mecklejohn, G.F. Moody, Moore E.O., A. Morrill, D.R. Newlands, H. Neumann, John Nodder, Charles Orme, J. Oxley, Alex. Pearson, Miss M. Pearson, H.C. Phillips, Alf Pilbeam, A. Pyrke, W. Pyrke, F. Quinney, D.G. Reid, G. Richards, A. Ridgewell, S.J.C. Russell, Walter Russell, Mrs L. Salaman, Hy. Salter, H. Severn, William Sills, F.G. Simco, Frank Linfield, H.J. Smith, H.O. Sparks, C.V. Sparks, T. Spooner, G. Streak, G. Sweeting, T. Tarrant, L. Thurston, R. Triggs, C. Turner, Annie Walker, R.H. Walker, J. Wallis, F.G. Watts, T. Wilkins, E. Wilkinson, G.H. Wilson, T.A. Wilson, W. Woodhouse, Walter Wren, H.J. Young. 

While the enrolment was in progress, one man refused to join the Party stating that he had not yet decided what to do in connection with the movement, and that he had an "open mind" on the matter. The Chairman again explained the object of the meeting and stated that the persons who had been invited to come were only those who had made up their minds in connection with the object of the meeting, and gently but firmly requested this man to take his "open mind" outside. 

This being done, the business of the meeting was proceeded with. The following letter was read:

Socialist Society, Newcastle upon Tyne 10/6/04 

Dear Comrades, 

Our society has recently had its attention drawn to the controversy between the S.D.F. and a section of its members. Although we are not affiliated to the S.D.F., we consider that, as a Social-Democratic Society, and one in full sympathy with the principles of the S.D.F., we had a title to consider the dispute. After much discussion of the question at issue, on information based on the two circulars of the dissentient members, the Report of the Burnley Conference, the Statement in "Justice" of a fortnight ago, the experience of those of our own members who, in other parts of the country, have been members of the S.D.F., and our own observation of the trend of affairs during the last few years, - we have arrived at the following resolution, "That, believing that the basic principles of the S.D.F. have not been violated by the expelled members and branches, we regret the motion of the conference and executive in relation to these members and branches". 

I remain, yours truly, (Signed) T. Kerr, Secretary. 

P.S. Am sending a copy of this letter to H.W. Lee. The resolution is as far as the bulk of our members are prepared to go at present. Permit me, however, to express my personal and, of course, absolutely unofficial sympathy with your comrades in the action that they have been compelled to take, and to trust that its result will be the rescuing of the S.D.F. from the dangers of opportunism and intolerance which at present beset it and the placing of that organisation on the absolutely straight and unswerving pathway of Social Democracy once again. Personally, I should be sorry to see a permanent second Social Democratic Party established in opposition to the S.D.F., but I quite agree that the action your comrades are taking is such as may well lead to the really closer unity of the Socialist forces in the near future. Would be glad if you would keep me informed of the progress of the agitation. 

The reading of the above letter was met with loud applause, and the Secretary instructed to send a suitable reply. 

The next business was the election of Chairman and Secretary of the meeting, and the election of tellers. On the motion of Fitzgerald and Anderson, the Provisional Officers, viz., Elrick and Lehane, were unanimously elected Chairman and Secretary respectively. Kent, Woodhouse and Killick were elected tellers. Phillips read the minutes of the Battersea Meeting on Sunday May 15th 1904, and on the motion of E. Allen and Jackson they were unanimously adopted. 

Phillips gave a verbal report on the work of the Provisional Committee elected at the Battersea Meeting to draft a constitution for the Party and to make arrangements for the holding of the Inaugural Meeting. 

On the motion of Hawkins and Lehane the report was adopted with unanimity. Anderson and Lehane moved: 

"That the name of the Party Shall be 'The Socialist Party of Great Britain."' 

Neumann and Blaustein moved an amendment: 

"That the name of the Party Shall be 'The Social-Democratic Party'". 

A good discussion followed, Hawkins, Jackson, E. Allen, Turner and Kent speaking in favour of the motion, and Martin, Mrs. Salaman, Killick and Albery for the amendment. On a show of hands, there voted for the amendment 27 against 76. The amendment was therefore deemed lost. Martin and Neumann moved a further amendment:- 

"That the name of the Party should be 'The Social-Democratic Party of Great Britain'." 

After some discussion a vote was taken, and there were 31 in favour and 73 against. The amendment was declared lost. Another amendment was moved by McEntee and Hutchins: 

"That the name of the Party shall be 'The Socialist Party of Great Britain and Ireland'." 

This amendment was also lost, only 6 voting in favour. There being no further amendments, the motion: 

"That the name of the Party shall be 'The Socialist Party of Great Britain" 

was put to the meeting and carried by 91 votes to 3. The announcement of the result was greeted with loud applause. Hawkins and Martin moved: 

"That the Object of the Party shall be 'The establishment of a system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of the whole community". 

There was no amendment and the motion was carried unanimously. The Declaration of Principles drafted by the Provisional Committee was then read: 

The Socialist Party of Great Britain holds:- 

 That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of living (ie, land, factories, railways, etc.} by the capitalist or master-class, and the subsequent enslavement of the working-class, by whose labour alone wealth is produced. 

That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle, between those who possess but do not produce, and those who produce but do not possess. 

That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working-class from the domination of the master-class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and the democratic control by the whole people . 

That as in the order of social evolution the working-class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working-class will involve the emancipation of all mankind without distinction of race or sex. 

That this emancipation must be the work of the working-class itself. 

That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working-class must organise consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, national and local, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of privilege, aristocratic and plutocratic. 

That as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working-class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the master-class, the party seeking working-class emancipation must be hostile to every other party. 

The Socialist Party of Great Britain, therefore, enters the field of political action, determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labour or avowedly capitalist, and calls upon the members of the working-class of this country to muster under its banner to the end that a speedy termination may be wrought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labour, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom. Fitzgerald and E. Allen moved: "That we adopt the Declaration of Principles as read". 

Martin and Blaustein moved an amendment:

"That the statement of Principles be printed and submitted to each member of the Party for consideration and that a Conference of the Party be called in one month's time to adopt same or accept amendments thereto".  

Hawkins, Jackson and Leigh spoke against the amendment, and on a vote being taken only 3 were in its favour, all the other members present voting against. The amendment was therefore declared lost. Martin and Albery moved a further amendment: 

"That the word 'hostile' be deleted and 'opposed' substituted". 

This amendment was also lost, only a few votes in its favour. The motion: 

"That we accept the Declaration of Principles as read" 

was then put to the meeting and adopted with unanimity and enthusiasm. 

The Draft Rules drawn up by the Provisional Committee were then read: 

MEMBERS 

(1) Any person desiring membership shall be required to fill in and sign the application form signifying acceptance of the principles and policy of the Party. Such application shall be lodged with the Branch Secretary, whose duty it shall be to place same before the next business meeting, to which the applicant shall be invited, for consideration, when a majority vote shall decide. 

(2) A member shall not belong to more than one Branch at a time. A member may transfer to another Branch provided a clear record be furnished by his last Branch. 

(3) Each member shall pay 2d per week towards the Branch funds. The payment of dues shall be waived in the case of members when out of employment. Members thirteen weeks in arrears shall be struck off the books after written notices have been sent to them by the Branch and a further fourteen days have elapsed, unless a satisfactory explanation be given, and shall not be allowed to join any other Branch whilst these arrears remain unpaid. 

(4) Members shall have the right to attend and speak at meetings of Branches other than their own, but shall not have the right to vote. 

(5) Charges against any member shall be submitted in writing to the Branch and a copy supplied to the member accused. The Branch shall consider the matter, and a majority of two thirds of the members present at any business meeting shall have power to expel any members. An expelled member shall have the right of appeal to the EC or annual Conference. All expulsions must be immediately reported to the EC. BRANCHES 

(6) The Branch shall be the unit of organisation. A Branch may be formed by not less than six persons making written application on the prescribed form to the EC and receiving their sanction. In any Parliamentary constituency there shall not be more than one Branch. 

(7) Branches shall elect their own officers and may draw up such bye-laws as they may deem necessary for their internal management, provided they do not conflict with the rules and policy of the Party. 

(8) Each Branch shall report its numerical strength and financial condition once a quarter to the EC. 

(9) Each Branch shall remit to the centre 1d a member per week. 

(10) Branches thirteen weeks in arrears shall not be allowed to vote upon any Poll nor send delegates to any Conference of the Party. 

(11) Disputes between Branches shall be submitted to the EC, all statements being reduced to writing; copies of all documents in connection therewith shall be forwarded to the Branches concerned. The decision of the EC shall be binding, with a right of appeal to the next Conference. 

(12) Branches shall neither sell nor distribute any literature which has not been approved of by the EC. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

(13) The EC shall consist of twelve members and the General Secretary and Treasurer, and shall be elected by a vote of the whole Party. Nominations shall be made by the Branches. A paid Official of the Party shall not be eligible to stand for election to the EC. 

(14) Any member of the EC absent from three consecutive meetings shall thereby forfeit his position on that body, unless a satisfactory explanation be given. 

(15) The EC shall meet at least once a fortnight, seven members to form a quorum, and shall send a report of each meeting to the Branches and a report to a quarterly delegate meeting. 

(16) The EC shall make all arrangements for the Conference of the Party, carry out the resolutions of the Conference and those adopted by general vote, supervise the work of the organisation, establish and maintain communications with the Socialist Parties of other countries, and establish a Literary Agency from which all Branches shall be supplied. 

(17) The EC shall submit an Annual Report to the Branches at least three weeks before the Conference upon their last year's work. The members of the EC shall be entitled to attend and speak at the meeting but shall not have the right to vote. 

(18) Should the action of any Branch be deemed by the EC to be an infringement of the principles, policy or rules of the Party, the EC may expel such Branch, but there shall be right of appeal to the next Conference. PARTY OFFICERS 

(19) The Party Officers shall consist of a General Secretary, Treasurer, and two auditors elected in the same manner as the EC. 

(20) The General Secretary shall send a financial statement to the Branches each quarter, and shall present to the Conference a Balance Sheet which shall have been submitted to the Branches at least three weeks previously. 

 

CONFERENCE 

(21) A Conference of the Party shall be held annually at Easter. A special Conference shall be called on a requisition, signed by six Branches, being sent to the General Secretary. 

(22) Each Branch shall be entitled to send two delegates. Delegates must have been members for at least six months immediately preceding the Conference, except in the case of Branches which have been formed for less than this period. A member of the EC or paid Official of the Party shall not be eligible to act as delegate to any conference. 

(23) A preliminary Agenda shall be submitted to the Branches eight weeks before the Conference. All amendments to resolutions and additional items received within three weeks thereafter shall appear on the final Agenda which shall be issued to the Branches at least fourteen days before the Conference. 

REFERENDUM 

(24) A Poll of the Party may be taken at any time by the EC or at the request of not less than six Branches sending a requisition stating the matter on which the Poll is desired. The result shall have the same effect as a resolution of the Conference. 

 

ELECTORAL ACTION 

(25) A member shall not be eligible for candidature unless he has been a member of the Party for six months. 

(26) A member of the Party shall not stand for any political office except as the official candidate of the Party. All candidates shall pledge themselves to act, if elected, in accordance with the instructions of the Branch in the case of local and of the EC in the case of Parliamentary elections. 

 Jackson and Hawkins moved: 

"That the rules as read be accepted provisionally and that the E.C. be instructed to have them printed and distributed amongst the members in order that they may be fully considered at a Conference to be held in three month's time". 

Neumann and Kent moved an amendment: 

"That the rules be printed and distributed amongst the Branches, any amendments to or additions thereto to be sent to the Secretary within fourteen days, and that a meeting of members be held one month hence to discuss and decide upon them. That a Provisional Executive Committee to consist of twelve members be elected forthwith to do such work as this meeting may instruct them". 

Killick and Wilson supported the amendment and Anderson and Lehane spoke against. On being put to the vote the amendment was carried by 40 to 35 and thus became the substantive motion. Anderson and Hawkins moved an amendment: 

"That we adopt the Rules as read, any necessary alterations to be made at the Conference of the Party nine months' hence, and that the Rules and Declaration of Principles be printed and placed in the hands of the members without delay". 

This gave rise to a further discussion in which Jackson supported and Kent opposed the amendment. The amendment was lost, 26 voting for and 49 against. Another amendment was moved by Day:

"That the adoption of the Rules be postponed for one month and that amendments to or additions to the draft be received within a fortnight." 

This was carried by 39 to 29 and became the substantive proposition. To this Phillips moved the following amendment: 

"That we accept Rules 1 ,2, 3, 4, and 13. Amendments to the draft submitted by the Provisional Committee to be sent in by July 15th. Rules and amendments to be submitted to a general meeting three months hence. Officers, General Secretary, Treasurer, and twelve members to be elected provisionally as Executive Committee". 

This amendment was carried by 62 to 1 and became the motion before the meeting. McNicol and Albery moved: 

"That the subscription be 1d per week and that Branches contribute at the rate of 1/2d a member per week to the Centre". 

The amendment was lost, only a few voting in its favour. The motion was then put and carried unanimously. Jackson moved and Phillips seconded:

"That C. Lehane be elected General Secretary" 

and there being no other candidates, Lehane was elected with unanimity. Anderson moved and Jackson seconded: 

"That R. Elrick be elected Treasurer" . 

Elrick was unanimously elected Treasurer, and as a first duty called for a collection, which resulted in £1.7/2 being handed in. 

For the twelve other positions in the E.C. there were 15 candidates, viz: 

Albery A.S., Crump J., Neumann H., Allen T.W., Fairbrother E., Phillips H.C., Anderson A., Gray A.J.M., Watts, F.C., Auger W.L., Jackson T.A., Wilson G.H., Belsey H., Martin H., Woodhouse W. 

Ballot papers were issued and the voting resulted as follows: 

Albery A.S., 54 Crump J. 34 Neumann H. 49 Allen T.W. 47 Fairbrother E. 37 Phillips H.C. 67 Anderson A. 61 Gray A.J.M. 44 Watts, F.C. 40 Auger W.L. 24 Jackson T.A. 48 Wilson G.H. 49 Belsey H. 50 Martin H. 63 Woodhouse W. 63 

Accordingly the following were declared elected to the E.C. Albery A.S., Gray A.J.M. Phillips H.C. Allen T.W. Jackson T.A. Watts, F.C. Anderson A. Martin H. Wilson G.H. Belsey H. Neumann H. Woodhouse W. 

On the question of Palliatives, Anderson and Lehane moved:

"That the E.C. be instructed to draw up a statement, to be issued in leaflet form, of the Party's position regarding immediate demands and municipal action and submit same to the General Meeting". 

Agreed without discussion. Neumann moved and Martin seconded: 

"That the question of establishing a Party Organ be considered at the General Meeting". 

To this there was an amendment by Anderson and Hawkins: 

"That the question of a Party Organ be referred to the E.C. who shall have powers to deal with the matter". 

The amendment was carried by 54 to 10 and became the substantive motion. Hawkins moved an amendment: 

"That we elect four members to act as Press Committee". 

This was lost, 10 voting for and 45 voting against. Another amendment was moved by Auger and Lehane: 

"That the E.C. be instructed to open a fund for the purpose of establishing a Party Press and submit a scheme in connection therewith to the next General Meeting". 

The amendment was carried by 45 to 3, and becoming the substantive motion was carried unanimously. H.C. Phillips made a statement relative to the financial position and Kent and Fairbrother were appointed to audit the acc's of the Provisional Committee. On the question of raising funds for the Party, Anderson and Martin moved: 

"That the E.C. be instructed to organise a series of Mass Meetings in different parts of London, half the amounts collected thereat to go to the Centre". 

The motion was carried unanimously. Woodhouse and Hawkins moved: 

"That Branches shall contribute to the Centre half the amount received as subscriptions from the members." 

The motion was carried unanimously. 

Neumann reported that with regard to the instructions of the Battersea Meeting, he proceeded to translate the first circular but had come to the conclusion that the circular was not suitable for circulation on the Continent. Neumann's report was accepted and Hawkins and Lehane moved:

"That the E.C. be instructed to draw up and issue Manifestos on the situation". 

This motion was carried unanimously. On the question of the relation of the Party to the Trade Unions, McEntee moved: 

"That consideration of the matter be deferred for three months". 

To this Hawkins and Jackson moved an amendment: 

"That the E.C. be instructed to convene as soon as possible a special meeting of members to discuss and determine the attitude of the Party towards Trade Unions". 

The amendment was carried by a large majority, and becoming the substantive motion was carried unanimously. Anderson and Jackson moved and it was unanimously decided:

"That the Declaration of Principles of the Party be printed and that a copy be signed by each of the members constituting the Party." 

On the motion of Fitzgerald it was unanimously decided: 

"That the E.C. be instructed to arrange a lecture list for the Party." 

The meeting closed at 10pm with the singing of the "Internationale" and cheers for the Socialist Revolution. (Signed) Alex Anderson.

Correspondence. (1904)

Letters to the Editors from the December 1904 issue of the Socialist Standard

(To the Editors)

Our comrade Hawkins forwards a copy of the following letter which he has received:

“Draviel, 15.11.04

Dear Comrade,—I have just received No. 3 of THE SOCIALIST STANDARD, containing your interview, and I am glad to find that you have given a very full and faithful account thereof.

Trusting that the paper will be successful and with my best wishes and our kind regards to Mrs Hawkins and yourself.

Yours fraternally

Paul Lafargue.”

#    #    #    #

12, Shelgate Road,

Clapham Junctn., S.W.

14.11.04.

Comrades,

Just a few lines of congratulations. I am glad to see that a straight, uncompromising Socialist party has at last entered the political field. If ever there were need of such party it is at the present time. When one looks around and sees the so-called Socialist parties wobbling about, advising the workers to do one thing one moment and the opposite the next, it is no wonder that the workers are in a chaotic state. It is no wonder that they are apathetic. Therefore, when almost at the last moment as it seems, a straight party springs into existence, I cannot but feel that every success should meet its progress. I think that if you continue as you have begun, the workers will wake up from their apathetic mood and support you wherever you lead. I am heartily pleased with the SOCIALIST STANDARD, and wish it every success. I, at any rate, will do my best to advertise the paper and forward the Cause.

I remain, yours fraternally,

H. T. Davey.

A Forecast of the Coming Revolution: Interview with Paul Lafargue. (1904)

From the November 1904 issue of the Socialist Standard

Amongst the best known leaders of Socialist thought is our comrade Paul Lafargue, author of "The Evolution of Property", "Socialism and the Intellectuals", and many other volumes and pamphlets of great value to International Socialism. A visit to Paris brought us in touch with a French comrade, through whose kindly offices we received an invitation to visit the veteran debater at his pleasant retreat in a little village some dozen miles from the French capital. Lafargue and his wife (once known personally to English Socialists as Laura Marx) received us with the true comradeship, which in palpable form made it plain that “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”, is no empty phrase amongst Socialists.

Mindful of the interests of the Party, we secured from our comrade the following interesting expression of his views upon some vital topics of moment:

“The two countries which will benefit from the Russo-Japanese War”, said Lafargue, in answer to a query, “are America and England. Though the Japs succeed in expelling Russia from Manchuria, they are at the same time weakening themselves for a long period, and thus limiting their capacity for industrial competition. Again, the financiers of England and America—principally the former—will draw from Japan a great deal even of such profit as may accrue to her in return for their present assistance. Japan has for years been developing extraordinarily, but the War hinders this. The resources she is squandering in war are lost to industry.”

“And the results of all this upon our policy in the Far East, comrade?”

“The most important thing is the appearance of Japan upon the scene as the strong power of the East, so strong that no European country can compete with it. The rise of Japan marks the conclusion of European piracy in the Far East. Nobody expected such an extraordinary power. Further, Japan will organise China, industrially and politically.”

“What is your view, comrade, of the industrial position in Japan?”

“The rise of Japan industrially has been so rapid that the horrors of child and female labour in the England of the early nineteenth century have been reproduced—with the great difference that the intermediate stages from the England of the fifteenth century were totally absent in Japan. The psychological difference is enormous, and must produce a revolt, but the form we cannot forecast. In England and France the revolt was against the machine, and whilst this may not prove so in Japan, this we know—the Japs start with a Socialist movement such as was not, and could not be, in England and France in the initial stages of Capitalism. Just as the Japs adopt and adapt the ready-made science of Europe, so the Social science of the New Age finds there a ready soil. We may expect the Japanese people, who have shown such extraordinary courage on the battlefield, to show in the Social struggle the same indomitable energy and enterprise.”

“Now, as to the War again, comrade, what are its results upon Europe?”

“This war has shown that Russia has made a fool of Europe with a show of power. Particularly has Czarism befooled France. That show has enabled her to draw from France about eleven milliards of francs (some £400,000,000) by State loans and financial companies for the industrial exploitation of Russia. The latter investments have been chiefly for coal-mining and metal works. These found prosperity as long as the Russian State was a huge customer for railway construction, &c, but even before the War this fell off; and now, in so far as they have a revival, it is only the artificial stimulus of war time, which will have its due reaction. Even now the lack of money is strangling this revival. Either victory or defeat for Russia now means revolution—a bourgeois or constitutional revolution. The first thing that the new power will have to do will be to proclaim the bankruptcy of Russia—as the best means to obtain credit. You will recollect a similar process in the French Revolution. The new rulers of Russia will be the more ready to declare this bankruptcy, in that the losers will be, not the Russians but the French. The international effects will be felt primarily in France, where the chief debt of Russia is held. The fall of the present Russian political system will shake the whole fabric of European society.”

“What is the likely effect upon Socialism in France of the loss of all this capital through the fraud and folly of the bourgeois politicians and the financial magnates who dominate them?”

“Ah, that is the question. Remember the fuss about Panama involving only 1½ milliards of francs. You will see why I anticipate great results from the loss of some eight times as much. Only the Socialist Party of France has opposed itself to the Franco-Russian Alliances and denounced it as a fraud upon the French people. The discrediting of all the bourgeois parties must mean the immense growth of the party of the Proletariat. Only the Socialist Party of France, the Revolutionists of France, had the courage and insight to oppose the alliance with despotism.”

“Very good, comrade; so much for the economic factors. What of other forces?”

“Russia is a compound of different nationalities. In the centre the Slavs, surrounded by Poles, Finns, Caucasians, Armenians, &c, held down by main force. These will spring into position again on the occasion of the Revolution, and Poland principally (the Ireland of Russia), which has never lost the sense of nationality, despite the tyranny of centuries, will make her influence felt. She will want to reconstitute her nationality with the Austrian and the German Poles. Thus I believe that the next few years will bring us the European revolution, which, if Socialists are sufficiently bold and well organised, will mean also the Social Revolution.”

This concluded, as far as the War is concerned, one of the most instructive conversations in which 1 ever had the pleasure of participating. In a future issue I hope to reproduce some expressions of our comrade upon trade unionism, but with which it would be a pity to complicate this article. The difference between the Socialists and the pseudo-Socialists can easily be seen by a comparison of the large-mindedness and grip of the situation disclosed by our comrade, with the puny reflection of Capitalist sentimentality exhibited by Jaurès in dealing with this same position. The attitude of the Reformists in France sufficiently indicates the absurdity of the claim of such superficial politicians to in any sense represent Socialism either in France or elsewhere. Jaurès and his school are straining every nerve in a “Stop the War” agitation, on the surface in the interests of peace, but in reality designed to, if possible, stave off the evil day of capitalist collapse. It was not for nothing that our comrades of the Socialist Party of France moved the resolution at the recent International Congress, which declared against compromise and intrigue with capitalist parties. The Socialists of France have fought and are fighting the same battle against treachery and folly of opportunism, which we of The Socialist Party of Great Britain are waging in this country.

I am sure every Socialist in England joins with us in reciprocating the fraternal greetings extended by Paul and Laura Lafargue to the unofficial representatives of British Socialism to whom this interview was accorded.

H. J. Hawkins.

(Socialist Standard, November 1904)

Correspondence

Our comrade Hawkins forwards a copy of the following letter which he has received:

“Draviel, 15.11.04

Dear Comrade,—I have just received No. 3 of THE SOCIALIST STANDARD, containing your interview, and I am glad to find that you have given a very full and faithful account thereof.

Trusting that the paper will be successful and with my best wishes and our kind regards to Mrs Hawkins and yourself.

Yours fraternally

Paul Lafargue." LAFARGUE.

(Socialist Standard, December 1904)

Capitalist Morality and Cheap Labour (1904)

From the September 1904 issue of the Socialist Standard

Is has been sometimes alleged by ignorant or interested persons that Socialism would promote immorality, and particularly that it would “break up the family !” Certain admissions made by the learned upholders of Capitalism at the recent meeting of the Economic Section of the British Association throw a really brilliant light upon the canting hypocrisy of these contentions. The fact is Capitalism promotes and forces what is termed “immorality” upon large sections of the people, and breaks up the family –even destroying the most natural and common human affections.

Mrs. Bosanquet (author of ”The Strength of the People“) has had the impudence more than once to attack, without comprehending, Socialist science. In the course of a paper read by her at this meeting, she asserted that—

  “The disintegration of family life in town resulted in an alarming increase of unstable families, who quickly lost due sense of home affections and responsibilities, and did not earn so much where families were stable.”

So here is a plain admission from a defender more of capitalistic robbery of the workers, that CAPITALISM destroys the family. How anxious this goody-goody capitalist is to preserve the family! And notice what good capitalist reason she has for it! The sting of this quotation is, scorpion-like, in the tail: stable families earn less than unstable disintegrated families. So the capitalist professes anxiety to preserve the family—in the hope of cheaper labour!

Another speaker asserted that “where family life is preserved, morality is very high.” And he continued :

  “Our infant mortality is now greater than in India and Japan, and the employment of married women in factories is an appreciable cause.”

What a condemnation of the infamous capitalist system. The employment of married women in factories certainly tends to break up the family, and this capitalist advocate admits that it is responsible for the wholesale slaughter of innocent infants. But the labour of married women is cheap, and men, women, and children alike must be sacrificed in order that Capital— “that monster without a heart “—may be satisfied. Only by the Social Revolution can this system be ended. Palliation is impossible and absurd. Leave it to capitalists to cant about morality, which they neither understand nor care for, and to tinker with the effects of their villainous system. It is for the wording-class to organise for its complete overthrow.

H. J. Hawkins.

Party Notes. (1905)

Party News from the March 1905 issue of the Socialist Standard

The first Annual Conference of The Socialist Party of Great Britain will be held at the Communist Club, 107, Charlotte Street. London, W., on Thursday, 20th April, 1905, commencing at 7 p.m., and on Friday 21st April, when the proceedings will be resumed at 9 a.m. The constitution of the Conference is defined by Rules 22, 23, and 24.

*  *  *

During March there will be two meetings of the Executive Council, viz., Saturday 4th, at 3 p.m., and Tuesday 21st, at 7 p.m. Usual place. 

*  *  *

A meeting of Speakers and prospective Speakers will take place on Saturday, March 4th, at the Communist Club. Several important matters in connection with the forthcoming open-air propaganda will be discussed. Time —7.30 p.m.

*  *  *

Members and others are requested to note that, a vote of the Party having been taken, H. J. Hawkins was on February 4th, 1905, expelled from membership of The Socialist Party of Great Britain.

*  *  *

Notification has been received from the International Socialist Bureau that V. Serwy has resigned the Secretaryship. Camille Huysmans has been appointed to the position, and the offices of the Bureau are now at the Maison du Peuple, Brussels. 

*  *  *

Will Branch Secretaries and members note that I no longer reside at Birnam Road? All communications should be forwarded to the Central Office, Communist Club, 107, Charlotte Street, London, W.

Con Lehane.

Is There a Class War? (1904)

From the October 1904 issue of the Socialist Standard

MR. J. KEIR-HARDIE,    M.P., ANSWERS " YES-NO " AND "NO-YES!"

The "Socialist" humorist of the day is Mr. J. Keir Hardie, M.P. At least, Mr. Hardie claims to be a Socialist. Of his humour there is no question. That it is unconscious humour makes the gentleman's contortions even a little pitiful. Mr. Hardie has Capitalist friends. He is a Reform politician. One of his methods of advancing Socialism is to give electoral support to non-Socialists ― he would, in fact, cast out Beelzebub by means of Beelzebub. Consequently, he appears to find himself in this dilemma : he desires to "moralise" the capitalists; thinks it possible that the wolves of Commercialism will loose their hold upon their prey voluntarily, and, whilst he is incapable of arguing the position, feels instinctively that he cannot reconcile reform with the fundamental principle of the class war, without recognition of which no scientific theory of Socialism is possible.

In order to conclusively prove this statement it is only necessary to place together the contradictory expressions used by Mr. Keir Hardie himself in a recent article entitled "An Indictment of the Class War."

Mr. Hardie states on the one hand: 

"For my own part, I have always maintained that to claim for the Socialist movement that it is a 'class' war dependent for its success upon the 'class' consciousness of one section of the community, is doing Socialism an injustice, and indefinitely postponing its triumph. It is, in fact, lowering it to the level of a mere faction fight."

On the other hand, he also states: 

"Now, it is not disputed that there is a conflict of interests between those who own property and those who work for wages. The tenant and his landlord and the worker and his employer have interests which lead to inevitable conflict and antagonism, and the object of Socialism is the removal of the causes which produce this antagonism."

It appears, then, that "conflict" is not "war" and "antagonism " means ― mutual interest between two opposing classes! Perhaps Mr. Hardie also considers confusion the same thing as clearness.

Later, this amusingly superficial thinker states "the working class is not a class, it is the nation." How it can be a class and not a class at the same time we leave Mr. Hardie to explain, and he may also let us know what he means by the following:

"Socialism will come, not by a war of classes, but by economic circumstances forcing the proletariat into a revolt, which will absorb the middle class, and thus wipe out classes together."

Thus we have a class which is not a class, a nation without classes, which yet contains a working class and a middle class, the revolt ― not war ! ― of the former which is to "absorb" the latter and the wiping out of classes without those hostile operations which, in ordinary language, are tersely denominated war. And all this confused medley of what is either ignorant stupidity or deliberate misleading in order that Mr.  Keir Hardie may somehow or the other cover the defeat of himself, of his friend Jaures and of the Utopians generally at the International Congress.

But whilst we may smile at the scarcely concealed anger and dismay of the Confusionists at the growth of uncompromising Socialism, it becomes a rather more serious matter when we find  this moral philosopher misquoting  the works of recognised exponents of scientific Socialism and claiming that such men as, for instance, Belfort Bax, are supporting his compromising attitude. In his well-known "Ethics of Socialism," this author has stated :

"All class-character qua class character is bad ... The particular class-qualities in the character of the modern capitalist may be roughly indicated by the definition,  vulgarity IN a  solution of hypocrisy ; the particular class-qualities in the character  of the modern proletarian  as brutality IN a solution of servility." 

Mr. Hardie leaves out the   three essential words "qua class-character," and makes Bax's definitions to read respectively ―

"Vulgarity IN a solution of hypocrisy," and "brutality IN a solution of servility." 

By this substitution Mr. Hardie totally alters the character of the thought expressed.

In non-ethical circles this is known as dishonesty.

But not content with mutilating what he does quote, Mr. Hardie leaves out all those portions of the article in question which would enable his readers to gain an intelligent idea of the author's real meaning.   Will it be believed that in this very essay, Mr. Bax contemptuously dismisses the Keir Hardie attitude as that of a

"Benevolent old gentleman who says, 'Let us ignore classes, let us regard each other as human beings,'"

And as that of the "benevolent bourgeois Radical" ?

It seems most remarkable that anyone noting the differentiation between natural class-instinct and the political class conscious action of the workers insisted on by Bax can possibly hold Mr. Hardie's conclusions. For does not Bax say in the same article :

"Classes exist; you may ignore them,  but they will exist still with the respective characters they engender.  Though you ignore them, they will not ignore you. . . .  In the Socialist workman the class-instinct has become transformed into the conviction that, in the words of Lassalle, 'he is called to raise the principle of his class into the principle of the age.'   He knows that in the moment of victory ― of the realisation of the dominion of his class ― the ugly head of   class  itself  must   fall, and   society emerge. Militant, his cause is identified with class; triumphant, with Humanity." 

Poor, indeed, must be the case of the Reformist reactionaries when they have to bolster up their absurd and contemptible position by mis-quotation and suppression. The marvellous thing is that any intelligent being should be duped by such palpable dishonesty.

H. J. Hawkins

Barcelona! (1909)

From the September 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

The workers of Catalonia and of the industrial city of Barcelona have risen in revolt against their oppressors—and have been crushed. A shady mining concern with international capitalist interests involved had been established in the territory of the Riff tribes of Morocco, close by the town of Melilla, which is occupied by the Spaniards. The natives, suspecting that this forbode them no good, took steps to turn out the invaders, the representatives of the modern enslavers, the international capitalists. As a consequence the Spanish workers were called upon to turn out and, at the risk of life and limb, protect their masters property—were ordered to go to Africa and massacre a foreign people with who they have no quarrel. Now Barcelona, at least, has, like Paris, the revolutionary tradition, and there has been plenty of anti-militarist, direct-action, aye, Anarchist propaganda, there. Doubtless also many of its toilers argued that, since lives must be risked, 'twere better to risk them fighting the real enemy at home, the monopolisers of the means of life, rather then in fighting the brown-faced Moors against whom they had no enmity. And so after speeches and strikes came barricades. However, modern artillery and magazine rifles, handled as these were by often unwilling soldiers, made short work of all these and there is now a further collapse of "direct action" to record. Hitherto the Spanish workers, very generally, disdained Parliamentary action. Perhaps events will show them the need for using the means to hand, namely, the political machinery, however backward that machinery and however difficult the obstacles may be. It is good to note the spirit of revolt in the Spanish workers. When they have got over their present Anarchistic tendency they will make rapid strides, like the quick-witted people they are, to their freedom in Socialism. 

H. J. H.