The introduction to Samuel Leight's 1984 book, 'The Futility of Reformism' (1984)

From Samuel Leight's 1984 book, The Futility of Reformism

Blogger's Note:

The late Samuel Leight joined the Marylebone Branch of the SPGB as a young man in June 1942. Active as both a speaker and writer for the SPGB in the following years, he eventually emigrated to the United States in 1948, transferring his membership to the World Socialist Party of the US. Based in Tucson, Arizona he published two books putting forward the case for socialism in his own inimitable style. The first book, World Without Wages (Money, Poverty & War), was published in 1980, and was a selection of transcripts of locally produced radio broadcasts dating from between 1976 to 1978. Its companion volume, The Futility of Reformism, was published in 1984 and was a series of essays outlining the SPGB and its companion parties unique political position in relation to the issue of reformism. A couple of pieces from World Without Wages are already on the blog, but it's my intention to also serialise The Futility of Reformism on the blog in the coming months. Stay tuned.

Chapter One

Introduction

Whether the conditions of life under capitalism have improved for the majority of the workers or whether the opposite is true, the irrefutable fact still remains that the existing conditions, which presumably encompass all so-called “past improvements” that have been enacted to date, still contain the gruesome, major social evils that defy solution within the framework of the system. The reformation of capitalism has been continuous but has failed deplorably in creating an environment conducive to health, happiness and security.

The modern innovations of the 20th Century which have introduced the automobile, TV, telephones, refrigerators, air-conditioning and central heating, computers, travel by ship and air, are all examples of advances in technology that have not been derived through the benevolent legislation of political reformism. They are attributable to the productivity of the working class and represent new spheres of profit for the owning class. Whether their introduction has improved the standard of life for the majority is a debatable issue that contains many facets, but in any event their presence revolves around technical progress and no credit is due the reformers. Rather it should be recognized that the working class have obviously not shared proportionately with the increase of the total wealth produced but have remained poorer in relationship to the new values that are now available, and compared to the wealth of their employers. The existing worldwide stress and discontent indicates that today’s life-style, with all of its mechanical advantages, has not proved to be a blessing for humanity. We do not blame the products—we do blame the system.

Life for the working class under capitalism, past and present, cannot be compared favorably with the social benefits of a classless society in socialism which will convey to all common ownership rights to the means of production and distribution, and democratic privileges that no reformation of capitalism can ever attain. Attempting to make the working class “better off” is no match for the advantages of socialism; and the wages system, irrespective of wage levels, should justifiably be rejected when compared to free access to all goods and services for all human beings.

To the extent that we understand how capitalism functions, the arguments for the defense of the so-called progressive “improvements” of the standard of life of the working class are irrelevant. The fundamental position of wanting and achieving the best of all possible worlds for the majority of its inhabitants becomes the logical objective.

There is no political line of demarcation between reformism and the normal administration of capitalism—they have become inseparable. The contradictions and anomalies of the system give rise to a constant never-ending flow of reforms which are needed primarily for the attempted stabilization of capitalism and the preservation of the interests of the ruling class. In actuality, should any of the reform measures benefit the working class this can be considered as coincidental. The system absorbs the reforms because it has to strive for political and economic equilibrium in order to counter-balance its anarchical tendencies. No longer should political parties claim any real distinction in their reformist approach, because the “leftists” and the “rightists” all pursue similar strategies once they gain governmental control. Modern day reformist activity is entailed in the political support and administration of capitalism—a preservation of the economic status quo with attempts at cosmetic, superficial refinements. All social reforms that are enacted and survive must in the long term help in maintaining and improving the exploitable efficiency of the working class, most others fall into the domain of projected impracticality.

The deluge of propaganda surrounding the reformist administration of capitalism produces the distractions, confusions and purposeful misrepresentations that have so drastically hampered the presentation of the socialist case. We are always being advised that socialism is for the distant future and that “immediate” needs must receive attention. Quite the contrary—the highest, most urgent, immediate need of the working class is the establishment of socialism within the shortest possible time.

For here, surely, we are at the cross-roads. The working class must either accept the continuation of capitalism, which in effect implies the application of reformism, or opt for peaceful, democratic social revolution and establish socialism. The choice is clear-cut, vital and limited to these two alternatives. As long as reformism is supported as a viable, unchallenged policy, capitalism will continue and the capitalist class will remain dominant and in control. The destiny and fortunes of the majority depend upon an educational and political awakening that will reveal to them a true understanding of scientific socialism coupled with a rejection of reformist, political garbage.

The socialist movement initially received its economic foundations through the works of Karl Marx, Frederick Engels and other pioneers of Scientific Socialism. Their research has been further advanced by the World Socialist Party of the United States and its Companion Parties, commencing with the establishment of the Socialist Party of Great Britain in 1904. These organizations have been able to clarify attitudes that it was not possible to do in the 19th century. Their specific object and set of principles, together with an unblemished political history, has never veered away from democratic social revolution. They have abstained from all the pitfalls of reformism. The membership remains small, but the validity of the case stands the Parties in good stead for the future.

An attempt has been made herein to present the ideas upheld by the movement and reinforce them with applicable statistics. We claim that the socialist analysis of capitalism is scientific and in full accord with reality. Our interpretations are controversial because we are in the realm of social investigation with formulas that lack the precision and verification to be found in the physical sciences. However, the statistics that substantiate our theories, although they will be subject to continuous variation, vividly indicate the misery and deaths suffered unnecessarily by multi-millions of humans. They do not constitute opinions—they are facts—derived from the capitalist media, including government reports. They are an indictment that defies rationalization.

One could explain the socialist attitude towards reformism in a brief presentation but this would never do full justice to such a crucial subject. There are many matters that deserve consideration, and need to be related to supporting evidence. The futility of reformism logically means. the choice between reforms or revolution. The passive approach will allow capitalism to continue. It should be remembered, that without the revolutions of the past, we would not be experiencing the society of the present. Now, for the first time in history, it has become possible for a revolutionary change to be brought into being through the concerted efforts of a majority fully conscious of their motives and political objective, aimed at a worldwide civilization worthy of the human race. The choice belongs to the working class and, to quote the legal pundits, “time is of the essence.”

SPGB Meetings (1945)

Party News from the March 1945 issue of the Socialist Standard

Blogger's Note:

With regards to the debate with the Labour Party in Manchester, I wonder if the Labour Party representative, 'C. Allaun', was any relation to Frank Allaun? He was a longstanding Labour MP in Salford from the 1950s onwards and was a leading member of the Labour Left in the 60s and 70s? Who knows, maybe it was a typo in the Standard and it was in fact Frank Allaun debating the Party. Allaun is quite a unique surname.

Obituary: Neil Gillies (1966)

Obituary from the May 1966 issue of the Socialist Standard

We sadly learned of the sudden death of our Comrade Neil Gillies and extend to his relatives a sincere sympathy. Although he had been ill over recent years, it was hoped that with due care he had overcome his illness. Joining Marylebone Branch in March 1946 he transferred to Bloomsbury Branch in 1951 and had been a regular attender at all branch meetings and always supported party meetings and activity. Although not a speaker or writer, his support to other comrades generally was always welcome.

On the evening on which he was taken ill, he had been at the Hampstead Committee Rooms helping with the Election work and was his usual smiling and kindly self. He died the next morning. Neil will be sadly missed by us all who knew him.

SPGB Meetings (1943)

Party News from the November 1943 issue of the Socialist Standard

Obituary: Samuel Leight (1998)

Obituary from the March 1998 issue of the Socialist Standard 

We regret to have to report the death of Samuel Leight of the World Socialist Party of the United States.

Sam Leight was born in London. England, and joined the old Marylebone Branch in 1942. He emigrated to the United States in 1948, transferring his membership to our companion party there. Eventually he settled in Tucson, Arizona, where he built up a business as a realtor (estate agent). He generously ploughed back some of the money he made into the world socialist movement, financing in particular a series of radio broadcasts but also contributing to general funds. He was also an indefatigable writer of letters to the press and a vegetarian and nature cure fanatic. Some of his radio broadcasts formed the basis of two books he published, World Without Wages and The Futility of Reformism which many newcomers to socialism found a useful introduction to our idea of socialism.

Obituary: Eddie Stirling (1976)

Obituary from the July 1976 issue of the Socialist Standard

We have recently been informed of the death of our Comrade Edgar (Eddie) Stirling. He joined the Party around 1935, and was for several years a member of the Bloomsbury Branch. Later, he and several other members formed a Branch in Marylebone, which met at 13 Thayer Street, Wl.

For a period during the war he became General Secretary of the Party. He was to a large extent responsible for the Party obtaining its first “West End” address at 33 Gloucester Place, Wl, a few doors away from Eddie’s naturopathic clinic. He was a generous man and provided hospitality for a number of members who were on the run from the army during the last war.

Perhaps the highlight of Eddie’s efforts in the Party was when he was appointed to the Parliamentary Committee which organized the first election campaign in the 1945 General Election — the first election the Party ever contested. Clifford Groves was the candidate. This was a historic occasion. The best times are still to come, but no campaign since then carried the impact or generated the enthusiasm which this one did, and much of this was due to the gargantuan efforts of organization put in by Eddie. His rather tragic domestic circumstances prevented him from being as active in the Party as he would have chosen. It is our regret that we did not learn of his death until some time afterwards.

Jim D'Arcy