Showing posts with label Nurses. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nurses. Show all posts

Friday, February 13, 2026

I’m a nurse . . . (2006)

From Issue 20 of the World Socialist Review

. . . and one of the things I do for a living is facilitate groups for mothers of babies from two to twelve weeks old. The goal is to empower the mothers to trust their own judgment, as well as to teach them about infant development and the needs of new babies.

When I’m working with this group, I wear a somewhat different hat than the one I wear doing my socialist work.

The other day, one of the new moms wondered if it was safe to put baby sunblock on her two-month- old, because the tube was marked “Warning: not for infants under six months.” Another mom responded that her pediatrician had told her it was OK, as long as you didn’t put any on the face or hands. Someone else said her doctor insisted it was absolutely contraindicated to put sunblock on a baby under six months of age.

It became clear that there was no consensus among the different providers these women were using, although all the tubes and jars of sunblock stated clearly not to use them on very young babies. One of the mothers (who is a doctor herself, though not a pediatrician) offered that when there is so much difference of opinion among health professionals, it generally means there isn’t enough science to make a definite judgment.

I listened to all of this, and then I said, “Two generations ago, children played at the beach all day and no one worried much if they got sunburn. One generation ago, parents were urged to put sunblock on children, but not on young babies. Now in this present generation, we see the beginning of a tendency for even parents of very young babies to be advised to apply sunblock.

“Two things are happening here: they’re trying to make sunblock less toxic, and exposure to UY rays is getting riskier because our current system of society has been making holes in the ozone layer. In other words, the risk of exposure to our own sun is becoming (or maybe has already become) greater than the
risk of exposure to the chemicals in sunblock.

“The reality is that the UY rays are more dangerous now than they were 50 years ago, because of lack of concern about protecting our environment.”

Later, I was chastised by my boss for “not maintaining an upbeat atmosphere.” Some of the mothers had been disturbed by what I said. But I couldn’t help it — my RN hat hat had fallen off and been replaced by my Socialist hat!

I wish it was possible to connect the desire of mothers to protect their babies to the desire to protect humanity itself. What good does it do to maintain an upbeat attitude, feeling good as we apply the toxic sunblock, ignoring the relationship between skin cancer risk and capitalist disregard for the environment? I wish I could help these new moms recognize that the best way to protect their babies is by working for socialism.
— RN

Tuesday, November 25, 2025

Never trust a Trust (1993)

 
From the November 1993 issue of the Socialist Standard
The government has recently announced that thirty more district health authorities are to become self-governing in the fourth wave of trusts, and that the remainder will follow suit within two years.
The National Health Service enjoys considerable public support and attempts to return to private medicine have to be carried out cautiously whilst protesting vociferously that there is no such intention. But despite this cautious approach at least three-fifths of all self-governing trusts have run into financial difficulties. And in August, four London hospitals announced that they were going to cancel routine operations for the rest of this financial year. With seven months to go, from the date of these cancellations, to the next financial year, the waiting list for treatment will continue to grow, with pain and discomfort for patients.

The financial difficulties experienced by the health service trusts is only to be expected as an internal market does not put any more money into the system but costs considerably more to administer it. Whilst administrative costs have risen sharply to cope with the extra paperwork many newly-qualified nurses have been unable to obtain jobs and others have been given temporary contracts, only to find themselves unemployed three or six months later.

Despite the greater technological expertise required for modem nursing, the number of qualified nursing staff fell by 5.2 percent between September 1990 and September 1991 according to the Department of Health. But unqualified staff have increased by 17 percent. (Nursing Times. 1993, no.7)

The increase in total staff has been necessary to compensate for the removal of student nurses from the wards into colleges for the Project 2000 training courses. This change from traditional training methods has been introduced to improve academic standards and technical knowledge but also to pay students less by giving them grants instead of employing them as salaried workers.

Despite the dearth of jobs, financial hardship and the prospect of unemployment at the completion of training has led to a 5.5 percent wastage rate for Project 2000 students compared with 4.7 percent for students undertaking traditional training (Nursing Times). While the government juggles with the figures and nurses find out the hard way that professional status counts for little in the job market, the waiting list for treatment has increased by 60,000. A number of hospital trusts have changed nurses’ patterns of shift work, worsening their conditions of service and reversing some of the hard-won gains of the last thirty years. The Bradford Hospital Trust announced up to 300 redundancies shortly after it became a trust.

During recessions the bargaining power of workers is weakened and they are vulnerable to attacks upon their living standards. This will always be the case while capitalism lasts because trade unions tackle effects and not causes. Thus, any gains made during booms will be attacked by employers when there is a surplus of labour during a slump.

The government has repeatedly stated that it wishes to reduce public expenditure. Indeed, public health service employees have been held to a 1.5 percent pay increase this year (equivalent to a pay cut after allowing for inflation), and a proposed wage freeze for next year.

At first glance it seems curious and inconsistent to try to reduce expenditure on the one hand and to increase it on the other by opting for a system of management which is much more expensive. But a consideration of the ideological and political motives underlying the formation of the National Health Service and the reasons for the attempts to dismantle it show that both courses of action are consistent with capitalism’s priorities. When Henry Willink, Conservative Minister of Health in the wartime Churchill coalition government presented the 1944 White Paper setting out the proposals for a unified national health service, free at the point of use, centrally funded and administered by Local Authorities it was because it was recognized that after the sacrifices made by the working class in fighting a lengthy war to protect the capitalists’ interests they were not prepared to accept a return to the heartbreak conditions of the 1930s. It was also recognized that, with an acute shortage of labour, a reliable health service would be needed to conserve workers’ health in the critical postwar years of reconstructing industry. It was also necessary to provide concessions to blunt working-class militancy as strikes would have placed British capitalists at a disadvantage with their competitors.

A centrally-administered health service was more efficient and cost effective than the fragmented, piecemeal provision of health care which had hitherto been available in the 1930s. But by the 1980s, capitalism’s priorities had changed. A worldwide recession had reduced the capitalists’ profits making less money available for social programmes; a large pool of unemployed labour had weakened the power of the trade unions and made it no longer necessary to conserve the health of all the workers. The National Health Service now represents a cost against production that the capitalists would prefer to see drastically reduced if not abolished.

The NHS is an institution welcomed by the working class and its abolition, however desirable from capital’s point of view, is politically damaging, therefore, the moves towards replacing it with private services have been gradual. Laundering, catering and Portering services have been contracted out private companies in the last few years with reduction of staff, lower wages and poorer working conditions in the majority of cases.

Once all district health authorities become self-governing trusts it will be possible to break the power of the trade unions by dismantling the Whitley Council which negotiates health service employees’ pay. The trusts will be able to set their own pay and conditions which will lead to further downward pressure on wages. And with each trust being independent and no longer part of a nationally administered service then a national strike by health service employees over a dispute in an individual trust would be considered to be an illegal "sympathy" strike. Also with an internal market in place it will be possible for a hospital trust to break a strike by sending patients to other hospitals.

It has been claimed that the internal market, with buying and selling of health care on business lines, can make the most efficient use of resources and expertise by sending patients to other hospitals for services which may be in short supply in their own areas, but the 60,000 increase in the waiting list for treatment shows this not to be the case. There is a consultation process between health districts, regional health authorities and the public at each trust application but the public’s response is not disclosed by the Department of Health. We can be certain that if the public’s response to hospital trusts was enthusiastic then this would be widely publicised and trumpeted as a vindication of the government's policies. The secrecy surrounding this information is an attempt to conceal the lack of support for their plans. The announcement by the Government that it intends all health districts to become trusts within the next two years makes a mockery of the so-called consultation process and makes the public meetings little more than a declaration of intent.

In addition to the plans for NHS trusts, the 1989 White Paper Working for Patients (sic) provides for a range of optional extras such as single rooms, television and a choice of meals for those who wish to pay for them which will create a two-tier system with only basic amenities being provided for the poor and better services being provided for the not-so-poor.

A visit to any of the older district general hospitals will provide evidence of expensive refurbishment having been carried out on some of the surgical wards whilst, in many cases, even basic repairs are not carried out on the geriatric wards, reflecting capitalism's attitude to non-producers. Obviously, the majority of elderly patients will be unable to pay for "extras’' out of their pensions. A return to Victorian values, particularly the Victorian workhouse, is beginning to look an unpleasant reality for the poor and needy.

The government’s policies have caused problems for the mentally handicapped. Dr David Tod, President of the National Association of Fundholding Practitioners, told the Conservative Party conference in October that he cannot accept any more mentally handicapped patients in his practice without extra funding (Independent, 9 October).

The proportion of pay which general practitioners earn from the number of patients that they have on their books has been increased from 46 percent to at least 60 percent and this has, predictably, led to a reluctance to treat patients requiring a lot of medical care. There is no doubt that further attacks will be made on the NHS and that the present cumbersome structure is being set up with a view to selling it off to private speculators in due course. For the poor, only the most basic provision will be retained, and the mentally ill will continue to swell the ranks of the homeless as long-stay hospitals continue to be closed without adequate alternative care being allocated.

But the attacks on the NHS provide an object lesson to those who wish to reform capitalism. The reforms were gained only after years of struggle, implemented when it was no longer in capital’s interests to obstruct them, and are being reversed when it was no longer expedient for capital to accede to workers' demands and a recession makes it difficult for workers to resist the encroachment upon their living standards. Nothing less than the complete overthrow of capitalism and its replacement by socialism can prevent this happening to reforms over and over again.
Carl Pinel

Why nurses are angry (1993)

From the November 1993 issue of the Socialist Standard
In September nurses from University College Hospital (UCII) in central London went back to work after a six-week strike. What made them angry enough to strike?
Why is it that approximately two months ago south London hospitals were crying out for extra nurses to care for patients on the wards, but there was not an agency nurse to be found?

A recent survey done by the Institute of Manpower Services found that one nurse in four would leave the NHS if they could. Why?

The creation of the internal market within the NHS has meant there is increasing pressure on trusts to keep within their budget. With the old system it did not matter if budgets weren’t kept to, the money was just replaced. In the new system if you don’t keep within your budget, then you don’t meet your contracts and eventually you go bankrupt like any other business.

In trusts most of the money goes on nurses’ wages (they are the majority of the workforce).

Constant pressure
There is constant pressure to cut this budget and this lias been addressed in a variety of ways.

First, freezing posts as nurses leave. Second, possible redundancies, though on the whole this has not been widespread as yet. However in the College of Health Studies where I work, there has been an amalgamation of two colleges of nursing which involved redundancies. The College is about to amalgamate with a further two colleges of nursing and more reductions are planned. It has been suggested that the 183 teaching posts in the three colleges will be cut to 52.

Third, alteration to nurses’ hours. Nurses have traditionally worked a shift system of earlies, middles, lates and nights. The hours are different from hospital to hospital but used to be roughly: Early: 7.30am to 3.30pm; Late: 1.30pm to 9.30pm; Night: 9pm to 7.45am.

Managers did not see why there should be an overlap of nurses on duty between 1.30pm and 3.30pm. This did not appear to be cost effective. What were the nurses doing during this time? On investigation it was found that education of students and professional updating of staff went on. As the extra nurses were not directly involved in patient care, managers felt it was a waste of time having them and altered the hours accordingly. Extra money was also being paid to the night shift for working "unsocial hours"; again managers fell this could be tampered with in some way.

At one particular hospital the nursing shift hours are now: Early: 7am to 3pm; Late: 2pm to 10pm; Night: 9.45pm to 7.15am. This hospital may have reduced the nursing budget on hours, but its sickness rate has soared and it is having to pay agency staff to work.

Finally, alteration in ward skill mix. There is a trend to employ more care assistants (unqualified nurses) instead of qualified staff, who are paid more. This leads to a decrease in the quality of nursing care given to patients.

Two research studies (Skill Mix and the Effectiveness of Nursing Care, Centre for Health Economics; York and Ward Nursing Quality and Grade-Mix, Report No. 504, York University’s Health Economics Consortium.) showed that where wards were staffed wholly by qualified nurses the standard of care given to patients was high, but where wards were staffed with combinations of unqualified and qualified nurses the standard of care delivered to patients was lower.

Fragmented care
This appears to be because unqualified staff cannot give the total nursing care to the patients. For example, they lack the knowledge to interpret signs and symptoms and cannot give out drugs. This means that patient care becomes fragmented and patients have to wait for qualified nurses to gel to them to give them the appropriate drugs or interpret symptoms.

All these points mean that there is an increase in pressure on nursing staff which results in frustration because they cannot give the nursing care they want to.

A Trust’s survival depends on getting contracts from Health Authorities and GP fundholders. Since the reforms there has been an increase in productivity within hospitals. This increase in throughput of patients has a tendency to mean early discharges, which puts extra pressure on nursing staff to ensure that discharge arrangements are ready and that there are enough beds for patients coming in. It may also mean patients go home too early — and have to be readmitted. The government says that wage increases will come from increased productivity. But if contracts are completed early. Health Authorities and GP fundholders have no more money to buy more treatment for their patients. So hospitals simply have to stop work. Eventually this will mean that hospitals cut the number if nurses so that, although the amount of work remains the same, there are fewer people to do it and it takes all year to complete. This situation is worse in London due to high overheads and London weighting etc. For example Camden and Islington Health Authority stopped all elective surgery at some central London hospitals in September because it had used up all its money with these expensive Trusts.

The planned reduction in junior doctors' hours means that some things previously done by doctors will become the remit of the already overburdened nurse. Again, nurses are cheaper to employ than increasing the number of doctors.

All these things mean that the nurses are increasingly having to alter the way they care for patients and are increasingly leaving the patient's bedside, for which they have been trained, to deal with administration issues such as discharge arrangements or managing bed vacancies.

No wonder the nurses at UCH said enough is enough.

If the Tories win another general election, the next step is obvious. Trust hospitals will simply become private hospitals, contracting with both private health insurance companies and Health Authorities for their income. And Health Authorities themselves will simply stop buying some treatments. A Labour government would be no better as they would still face the fundamental problem of how' to finance an NHS which will need more and more money for research, new drugs and so on.

Within capitalism it is impossible to deal effectively with disease and illness with the NHS or any other healthcare system as the emphasis is on profits rather than peoples' health and researching into causes of ill health. The only way in which to have a proper Health Service is to form a society which is based on peoples' needs: socialism. Finance and the fundamental problems it brings will disappear as it would be a society based on need rather than profit. Emphasis would be on prevention — at the moment this is too costly. The McKinleys’s river approach ( where individuals are falling into a river and drowning and Health care staff pull them out. patch them up and send them back to the top of the river, where they fall back in again) would stop and society will address the reasons why people fall into the river, such as bad housing, air pollution, etc. All individuals would be looked after in the appropriate place hospital or community. In hospital, there would not be the pressure on beds that there is now and people could spend as much time there as they need, and when discharged to the community there would be the proper resources available
Adele Atkinson

Friday, October 10, 2025

NHS dispute: In place of life (1982)

From the October 1982 issue of the Socialist Standard

In May the long-awaited and greatly feared industrial action by workers in the National Health Service began in South London. Hundreds of ward orderlies, cleaners, catering staff and hospital porters declared a one-day strike. Similar action was taken in Manchester, where three people were arrested after nurses clashed with NUPE pickets outside Oldham and District General Hospital. On May 19 over 600,000 NHS employees took the day off in various parts of the country; and on May 27 and subsequent Thursdays for several weeks two-hour stoppages by selected groups were staged. The action was stepped up in June.

In the months since the beginning of the dispute, hospital waiting lists have soared, admissions have plummeted and tempers have frayed. Rumours are rife that the strikes may be extended to accident and emergency services within the near future.

The aim behind this action is to improve the pay offer for 1982-3 made to nurses, midwives and ancillary staffs by the Department of Health and Social Security. Initially, the offer proposed an increase of 4 per cent on basic income for most ancillary workers, and an average increase of 6.4 per cent for most nursing and midwifery grades, “in recognition of their special skills”, with veiled promises from the Secretary of State for Social Services, Norman Fowler, of future additional payments to nurses “to be drawn from government contingency funds”. Ambulance workers, doctors and dentists and hospital electricians and maintenance staff, whose pay settlements are made separately, were offered average pay rises of 5, 6 and 8 per cent respectively.

In June, the offer to nurses and midwives was increased to 7.5 per cent; ambulance workers and hospital pharmacists were to receive 6.5 per cent and other ancillary workers 6 per cent. These offers were immediately rejected by all except nurses in the Royal College of Nursing, who have now also voted to turn down the offer.

The nurses' and ancillary workers’ claim was. and continues to be, for increases averaging 12 per cent on basic rates, with a reduction in hours of work and more annual leave, and future index-linked pay increases. For the first time, the ten TUC-affiliated unions representing health service workers were to co-ordinate the campaign for these increases through their membership of the TUC’s Health Services Committee. Of the ten, the most important would be the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) with 300,000 technical, ancillary and nursing staff members in the NHS, the National Association of Local Government Officers (NALGO) with 100,000 NHS members and the Confederation of Health Service Employees (COHSE) with 150,000 members employed mainly in psychiatric and mental subnormality hospitals. The Royal College of Nursing, which is not affiliated to the TUC but has for some years flirted with the idea of limited industrial action by its 195,000 nursing and midwifery members, declared its support for the campaign in June, though without any change in its "no strike” policy. As it represents more nurses than any other union, the RCN’s support was of crucial importance to the success of the campaign.

Official union plans were to reduce the health service to an emergency service within a few weeks, beginning as early as possible after April 26, organisation being initially by local union branches. TUC policy prevented the withdrawal of emergency cover and there has been no change in this at the lime of writing, although spokesmen for individual branches have asserted that the policy is not sacrosanct.

Since the strike began to bite, with a lull at the height of the Falklands escapade (a propitious exercise for the government from more than one point of view), the propaganda war between unions and DHSS has been vigorous and almost unbroken. The government has naturally gone to great lengths to sugar the pill which its workers are expected to swallow, promising “new arrangements" (unspecified) for nurses' and midwives’ pay in the future, based perhaps on a "comparability scale” of the sort mooted on August 18, and talks on new arrangements for ancillary staff. It has also descended to the unusual tactic of publishing blatantly misleading advertisements to NHS staff in national newspapers (of which more below). But the DHSS campaign has concentrated on the message that, owing to the nature of their work, health workers are morally not entitled to strike or take other action which. in the words of Norman Fowler, "must damage patient services and lengthen waiting lists”.

This judgment has posed a considerable dilemma for health service workers. Indeed, it was thought at first that public outrage against the withdrawal of one of the most vital services — outrage assiduously stimulated by the national newspapers — might seriously weaken the strikers' resolve. In fact, unexpected support for the 12 per cent claim received initially from hospital employees in the National Association of Health Authorities of England and Wales, and from doctors of the usually very conservative British Medical Association and in Scotland and Yorkshire, have greatly improved the NHS workers’ public image. (The Lancet, one of the two most respected medical journals, on August 13 1982. actually called for Fowler’s resignation over the matter. But doubts remain among the strikers about the "justice" and efficacy of their action.

The NHS is the largest employer in Britain, with nearly 800,000 workers, and is the tenth largest employer in the world. NHS pay policy, while it is in the end controlled by the government, is influenced, for some groups of workers, by "independent assessors" like the Doctors' and Dentists’ Pay Review Board. (Senior hospital doctors also retain the archaic right to confer “merit awards" upon one another, which may add around £18,000 to an annual income of £21,000 at top consultant rates, without any party to the exercise being accountable to Parliament or the DHSS.) No independent bodies exist to assess the pay of nurses, midwives and the majority of ancillary workers; the nurses’ and midwives' Whitley Councils are merely negotiating forums. Pay increases in the NHS have not been index-linked and are consequently subject to the vicissitudes of government policy, and have tended to be very low.

The 1974-9 Labour government, pledged to rectify this situation, increased NHS wages and salaries in their first year of office. By October 1975 wage rates were approaching those in other industries, but in subsequent years they again fell behind. The present rate for an unskilled male worker in the NHS is about £65 a wreck. After a 12 per cent increase, the basic rate would still be below the net family income at which supplementary benefit becomes payable (currently £82 a week). So a high level of overtime working is necessary for ancillary workers with families — if it can be had. But there are still workers like the laundry attendant interviewed in the Observer of August 15, who earns £71 take-home pay for a 40-hour week plus 18 hours overtime, and who must support families on that. A first year nurse working full-time on the wards receives £63 (gross) a week, after working frequent night shifts and “unsocial hours" as part of the job contract. Board and lodging costs for nurses in hospitals have risen by between 18 and 33 per cent in the past year. According to COHSE, many of these people would be better off on the dole.

On August 6, the DHSS paid about £85.000 for an advertisement in the main national newspapers “to ensure that all NHS staff are aware of the facts". It stated that a ward sister’s “estimated weekly gross average earnings” would be raised by the current pay offer to between £132 and £170 a week. For a staff nurse, the increase would bring in from £107 to £131 a week; for a male ancillary worker (position unspecified) £91-£146 a week, and for a female ancillary worker, £82-£139.

The following day, health workers staged protest strikes in several Scottish hospitals, and COHSE announced that it would report the DHSS to the Advertising Standards Authority. For, as a NUPE official commented, the higher figure mentioned in relation to ancillary staff would apply to no more than 160 top-grade employees, and then only after working up to 20 hours overtime. All the other figures similarly assumed maximum rates of overtime and additional earnings. In fact, most ancillary workers in cleaning, catering and other general service fields are women working part-time, who would be quite unable to earn such amounts.

The DHSS has since admitted that surplus payments were included in its calculations, but insisted they were “statistically valid". Union statistics clearly show that this was not true, whatever “estimated weekly gross average earnings” may be taken to mean. Need we be surprised? Lies and distortions are constantly fed to us to try to persuade people to smoke cigarettes, to insure for private health care, to support the armed forces, so why should the government not use the same tactics in wage-bargaining?

The way in which the health workers’ scruples about striking have been used by successive governments to hold down wages is demonstrated by the recent awards of between 14.3 and 18.6 per cent to top civil servants, the judiciary and senior officers in the armed forces, of 9 per cent to gas workers and 7.5 per cent to public sector manual workers outside the NHS. For the health workers, according to Norman Fowler, 6 per cent should suffice and 12 per cent is "unrealistic" — as if 12 per cent on a pittance made for anything other than a slightly larger pittance.

The question of pay is not the only one to trouble NHS staff. In recent years the loss of small hospitals and the concentration of beds and ancillary services in large district general hospitals, the reduction in patient turnover time and the cut-back in recruitment have greatly increased the work-load on existing staff. In Brent Health District in London, it has been calculated that earlier discharge of patients (five days earlier, in some cases) and a reduction in the time for which a bed is left empty between successive patients have allowed a 25 per cent reduction in beds without affecting waiting lists. As there has been no increase in the number of staff employed in Brent, either in the hospitals or in the community where patients now do most of their convalescing, this has imposed a heavy extra burden on hospital workers. The day-to-day running of a hospital is very labour-intensive; it is difficult to reduce this by introducing machinery. And it must be remembered that 75 per cent of NHS employees are women who, besides their traditionally lower earnings, tend to have pressing commitments and a full job of unpaid work at home.

Women's average earnings now are 37 per cent lower than men’s; 87 per cent of part-time workers and 75 per cent of lower-paid workers are women. Promotion prospects for women in the NHS are poor, and many are forced to take on agency (private) nursing — a notoriously unreliable source of income — in their off- duty hours. On those precious days when they are not working unsocial hours and night shifts for the NHS, they may be doing so for the agency. In truth, they are a peculiarly exploited group of workers.

The long hours are made even more intolerable by the conditions in which they have to be spent. Many hospitals are still situated in old and wholly inappropriate buildings, particularly geriatric, psychiatric and mental subnormality hospitals and small general hospitals in underfinanced and inner city districts. Less than a quarter of existing hospitals have been built since 1948, as against half of the existing schools and houses; 40 per cent of hospitals in England and Wales were built before 1918. and 6.5 per cent before 1850 (In Sickness and in Health — David Owen). The task of caring for sick human beings in such decayed surroundings may be a particularly frustrating and at times a revolting one, and not without risks. Occupational accidents are by no means uncommon: orthopaedic injuries constitute a particularly grave risk for nurses, through proper lifting aids not being installed.

Even in the best-run hospitals workers may be exposed to infections, air-borne drugs, chemical toxins and radiation at a high level. Among the identified effects of this exposure are miscarriages, which occur twice as commonly among women with an occupational risk of inhaling low levels of anaesthetic gases than among others. Occurrence of tuberculosis is five times as common among microbiological laboratory staff in hospitals as in the general population (Hospital Hazards —leaflet produced by the British Society for Social Responsibility in Science, 1981). It is true that the NHS commonly gives its staff priority over other patients when they are in need of medical advice or treatment; but that can hardly be regarded as a perk. People clearly do not join the health service for the sake of their own health.

In an attempt to play down the penalties of employment in the NHS, Fowler referred to it in Parliament as a “service which enjoys secure and growing employment”. This hackneyed argument no longer holds water. It is true that the number of people employed by the service is expected to rise by around 10,000 in 1982-3 but it certainly is not true that individual employees arc secure in their jobs. In such a labour- intensive industry, the tightening of belts demanded by successive governments over the last two decades has meant lay-offs, either through hospital closures or as a result of the policy of reducing staffing levels by “natural wastage”. The resulting increase in work loads for remaining staff has been partially offset, at least in the short term, by the conscription of student nurses and police cadets, who can be made to work hard for little pay, and by steadily increasing numbers of voluntary workers. These people effectively mask the effects of job losses, and even of strikes; the fear that voluntary labour may be used for strikebreaking has often inhibited workers from taking industrial action in the past. This is not to deny the useful work performed by voluntary workers, particularly in geriatric and psychiatric care, and care of the mentally handicapped. But the extent to which voluntary labour has replaced paid labour in hospitals of all kinds puts in doubt both the future standard of care in these hospitals and the good-will extended to voluntary workers by employees whose livelihoods they threaten.

It seems likely that the government will take advantage of the present chaos in the public service to urge increased openings for private contractors in NHS ancillary services and for medical insurance schemes. Even before the dispute, the growing proportion of the NHS workforce hired from private companies was a source of concern to workers who feared it would divide and weaken the unions at times of industrial action, as well as masking the effects of redundancies in the regular workforce. In Sweden. 70 per cent of ancillary services are contracted out to private operators; and such an arrangement would be favoured by the present government, since contract workers are easily hired and fired, and are often more flexible than permanent workers.

Perhaps the most notable feature of the dispute is the distinctive attitude of the nurses and midwives. Until now, these workers have been well known for their willingness to perform an exceptionally demanding and highly responsible job, often under totally inadequate conditions and for the most punishing hours, in return for very low rates of pay. They have been eulogised on paper and on the screen as earthly angels with unshakeable traditions of discipline and dedication. It has often been assumed, both by governments and by the public at large, that in keeping with their singularly “feminine” (because caring) role, nurses should also be politically weak, and should do the feminine thing by obeying the (predominantly male) authorities, just as they are expected to obey the (predominantly male) doctors. Nurses have tended to accept this and have therefore become among the most conspicuously exploited of all workers. Offers of sympathetic strike action from non-nursing trade unions often reflect this all too clearly. Such support may come across as tactless or patronising and may actually reinforce the popular prejudice that a "caring profession" must inherently be vulnerable to exploitation. Even when their union colleagues can turn this prejudice to their own advantage — as during this dispute, when health ministers confessed that only popular sympathy for the nurses prevents them from taking a tougher line with the other health service staffs many nurses feel like weak and therefore second-class union members.
PC

Blogger's Note:
I'm not 100% sure who 'PC' was. My initial thought was that it could have been an early pen-name for Carl Pinel, but I've since been told that it could have been (Doctor) Peter Cook. Fingers crossed that one of them reads the blog, and clears the matter up for me.

Friday, August 8, 2025

Business methods undermine health service (1994)

From the August 1994 issue of the Socialist Standard

In recent years there have been a number of sinister changes in the National Health Service. The use of deliberately deceptive rhetoric employed in the 1989 White Paper Working for Patients has tried to disguise the fact that the NHS is becoming increasingly subjected to market forces to the detriment of patient care and is becoming increasingly undemocratic. Expressions of dissent are stifled by getting rid of medical and nursing staff who protest at the deterioration in health care.

With a record 1.07 million people on the waiting list for treatment and an estimated two million people waiting for their first appointment before they can even join an official waiting list (Guardian, 7 May), it is clear that there is something seriously wrong with the health service.

Of more serious concern is the fact that so many people are ill. Poverty is the main contributory factor of ill-health and the increase in morbidity rates in recent years reflects the attacks on the living standards of the workers and the continued high rates of unemployment caused by capitalism’s slump.

Almost half the health trusts are failing to reach their financial targets and in 1992-93, £265 million had to be borrowed from the government or from banks and underwritten from taxes (Observer, 22 May).

To try to save money the Mancunian Community Trust is sending letters to its staff asking them if they want to take breaks to start families, take up courses or work overseas. All of these options are cheaper than redundancies, but the Trust’s chief executive Elizabeth Law has warned that if the workforce cannot be reduced by voluntary means then people may have to be forced out (Manchester Metro News, 27 May).

More bureaucrats
Administrative costs in the internal market have risen from four percent in the mid-1980s to eleven percent of NHS spending by 1993, and there are now half as many administrators and clerical staff as there are nurses in British hospitals.

In fact, when one considers that nurses work a three-shift system to cover 24 hours a day, seven days a week, there are actually more clerical and administrative staff working in hospitals on weekdays than there are nurses.

The Health Secretary has the power to appoint the general managers of large hospitals and the chairpersons of trusts are political appointees: Ann Parkinson, Sheila Taylor, Sarah Biffen and Mary Archer, all wives of well-known Conservatives, are on the boards of trust hospitals. The government has succeeded in pushing through unpopular measures by political appointments and patronage. Thus, lacking control of local councils in many areas, Conservative ideology can be imposed on the electorate which would have been opposed by councillors on the old boards.

The NHS has never been particularly democratic. Nurses have been subjected to a para-military, hierarchical management which has placed them in a subordinate position to medical staff. A questioning attitude has been discouraged; speaking out considered "unprofessional". Consequently, very few nurses have spoken out about shortcomings in the service or their terms of employment. In the past, large numbers of immigrant nurses were dependent on hospital employment for a place to live and continued stay in this country. And this made criticism extremely difficult because of the risks of speaking out.

Doctors have always been in a privileged position in terms of pay, status and power in the NHS and have been able to speak up for their patients. But in the last fifteen years this has begun to change. Doctors who speak out about shortcomings in their hospitals now risk disciplinary action being taken against them.

Disciplinary action
Early in 1990 Dr Helen Zeitlin, a consultant haematologist at Alexandra Hospital, Redditch spoke at a public meeting against the hospital becoming a self-governing trust. She also criticised the shortage of nursing staff at the hospital (Guardian, 10 May 1991). In November 1990 Dr Zeitlin was told that disciplinary action would be taken against her for misuse of a nursing report on staffing levels. Redundancy was then proposed, only to be changed for a different set of disciplinary charges. These charges were then dropped and Dr Zeitlin was made redundant with 24 hours notice instead of the usual three months.

Hospital bosses sometimes go to extreme lengths to silence critics. Dr Bridget O'Connell worked as a consultant paediatrician at the King George Hospital, Ilford from 1977 until the end of 1982 when she was suspended because of her alleged "inability to relate effectively with clinical colleagues". Significantly, this occurred after she had complained to management of her concern about the standard of care within the paediatric service. For the next eleven-and-a-half years Dr O’Connell remained suspended on full pay of about £50,000 a year before the North Thames Regional Board withdrew all allegations, apologised and paid damages believed to be a six-figure sum (Guardian, 7 May).

A doctor was dismissed in 1993 in Cornwall for misconduct. Nurses had pressure put on them to keep secret diaries of her activities to provide evidence which could be used against her (Nursing Tunes, 13 April).

The row caused by the disclosure that a consultant in Luton, known to be opposed to trusts, had his telephone bugged by the chief executive forced junior minister, Tom Sackville to intervene. He stated that anyone "bugging" a telephone will be sacked but that individual employers have to decide whether to include confidentiality clauses in their contract of employment (Manchester Evening News, 24 May).

Most nurses have not seen the NHS executive Duncan Nichol’s guidelines on reporting incidents which give rise to concern over treatment or staffing levels, and some NHS trusts have introduced catch-all gagging clauses into nurses’ contracts to prevent them from speaking out, although barrister Michael Douglas has stated that some of them are so broad as to be meaningless (Nursing Times, vol.90, 1994).

Spying, illegal telephone tapping and the use of disciplinary action to silence critics all add to the climate of fear and mistrust pervading the health service. For health workers the message is clear: to speak out against the undemocratic, anti-working-class measures is to risk the sack.

Business methods can never operate in the interests of the workers; the whole history of capitalism has shown that misery always follows in its wake. The NHS, in its slow but inexorable move towards private health care, is showing all the ugly features of capitalism. Only by workers uniting to get rid of capitalism can we stop the misery that the system imposes on our lives.
Carl Pinel

Monday, December 2, 2024

Who cares for the nurses? (1982)

From the December 1982 issue of the Socialist Standard

It is important that nurses, in contemplating strike action, are rejecting their image as self-sacrificing and dedicated professionals. By acting in a militant and self-interested way they are questioning an oppressive ideology long associated with this form of employment.

There are all sorts of moral values attached to nursing. You just have to look at the words which the public, the unions, the media and nurses and patients themselves, use about the job. Nurses are expected to have a sense of “vocation", to function in a dedicated, committed and devoted way. These characteristics are to some extent hang-overs from the historical association with certain religious orders which have traditionally cared for the sick and needy; the terminology in nursing with "sisters" and “matrons” (mothers) — confirms this. But if you think about what these words really mean, then you have the problem in a nutshell. A nurse's sense of vocation is supposed to suggest a “calling”, in a literal sense by a god or some other external power. To be “committed” and “dedicated" to that sense of vocation means to “give oneself over” to it, to lose a sense of self in pursuit of an activity or purpose outside of oneself. In other words, to be self-sacrificing rather than —self interested.

Why is it that nurses are questioning the notion that they should be selflessly committed, and are beginning to act in a self-interested, class-interested way? The most clear cut reason arises directly out of their actual day to day experiences at work: contradictions between what they expect and what happens.

What are nurses' expectations? Most people who enter training do so out of a genuine desire to help people. The sick need to be looked after. Most reasons given by nurses for their choice of job are associated with helping people and the social usefulness of the work (Maguire: The Role of the Nurse, RCN Research Project, 1966). Yet in practice nurses are frustrated at every turn by their inability to do precisely that. There is a stark contradiction between the real desire to care for and give to other people and the economic realities of working in any capitalist health organisation. The NHS is a low class service oriented basically towards servicing the sick and making them socially and economically useful once again (in much the same way that the parts of a vehicle need to be serviced every so often); it exists to patch up workers and send them home — and back to work — as quickly as possible.

The allocation of finance and skills within the NHS is on the basis of cost-effectiveness. Well-equipped geriatric care units are of a much lower priority than surgical units. The economic return on removing an infected appendix from an otherwise fit young male is higher in this society than is the allocation of resources to the terminally ill. The young male will be fit for the labour market after his treatment. whereas the old person is no longer economically useful to capitalism: literally, he or she can be considered fit for nothing.

This “needs allocation” decision-making process is actually mirrored in the nurse's daily routine. Given an environment constantly lacking adequate resources (of people and equipment), simply because these are not allocated on the basis of human need, the nurse must decide which needs can be satisfied. And there is very little choice in what is a priority. The needs of those who are likely to go on living take precedence over the needs of those who are almost certain to die. A nurse will cause trouble on a short-staffed ward by insisting on sitting with and comforting an old person who is dying, rather than giving out drugs, helping to feed or wash patients, or anything else which in a simplistic way will — like a certain orange, fizzy glucose drink — “aid recovery”. The nurse, like the administrators, makes decisions according to social and economic norms associated with the rationale on which the NHS is based — on what is most "profitable". It is profitable to service fit young people; it is not profitable to spend time or money on the dying.

Perhaps the most explicit contradiction which the nurse experiences is that between the theory of nursing practice and the practice itself. This must create unpleasant tensions. The main contradiction is between more or less intelligent and scientific approaches to caring for sick people, which are learned during training, and the fact that these cannot be put into practice. For example, the nurse is taught to have a view of the patient as a “whole person”; to “empathise”, and respond to perceived physical and psychological needs. If in practice the nurse can only act as an automaton, a dose of Lucozade, and respond only to selected physical needs, a tension is felt. It is a commonly held view among nurses that what they are taught is irrelevant to how they must perform as practitioners. It is naively idealistic to believe that nurses can care for the “whole person”, or meet such varied needs, in a working environment where those needs must be systematically ignored. Rather than begin to believe that the training is impracticable or faulty, nurses have to resolve the tension by realising that it is the economic structure of society, and the consequent nature of the health service itself, which creates the problems. Neither a genuine desire to help people nor to care for them in the most effective way possible, can be satisfied in a health care system organised to “cure” the largest number for the lowest cost. In such a system the weakest go to the wall. When a nurse has to decide who to neglect, day in and day out, the idea of being able to “empathise” becomes a sick joke. The tensions are endless.

Another singular aspect of nursing as employment is the rigidity of its hierarchy. To experience the authority structure in a hospital is to learn to tread carefully — an unpleasant mixture of walking a tightrope and a cat on hot bricks. Not only is there the medical contingent “above” the nurse, but there is also the army of ancillary workers to whom the nurse is “superior”. On one level the experience of the different status of co-workers seems bewildering and intimidating; on a more complex level it engenders another contradiction.

Nursing is an unusually “co-operative” activity. Anyone who has been in hospital may have witnessed the enthusiasm created by a group of nurses trying to do their work, often under pressure, in the most effective way possible: they have a common and human aim to do as much as they can for their patients, and often it is up to them to organise this as best they can. One quality of a “good” nurse is “team spirit”, an ability to co-operate and co-ordinate effectively with others. This is only one side of it however. This cooperative situation only exists when nurses actually perceive that they have an aim in common — a goal to work towards together. As soon as nurses enter into a game of one-upmanship this is no longer the case: and unfortunately, one-upmanship is often the game to be played.

Trainee nurses are in competition with one another, as well as having the cooperative aim of getting the work done. Each one will be graded by the nurse in charge of the ward, and each one will attempt to be evaluated more highly than fellow workers. Similarly for qualified staff: they constantly seek promotion to higher grades, and must therefore win the approval of the hierarchy. This competitive behaviour conflicts with the cooperative endeavour. On a practical level this means that the nurse you were working with in a fulfilling, friendly, useful way five minutes ago, has suddenly gone sneaking off into the office to report something to the sister which you just noticed — so scoring your point.

Why is it that the types of working relationships created in nursing have to turn peoples’ illnesses and lives into a matter of scoring points? This is a question which most nurses must sense. Mow they answer it is of vital concern. They have to see the tension between the competitive and cooperative nature of their work as a product of the entire power structure within their profession. They are induced to compete because a hierarchical structure requires competition for positions of status. And more than this, it is vital also to recognise it as a mirror of the way in which workers compete with one another, to score a few points in the status stakes, rather than cooperating in their interests as a class.

There is another important factor which encourages nurses to question traditional expectations and, alongside, the values and ethics of a society which creates their oppressive and perverted role. In hospitals there is a clear-cut sexual division of labour according to status. Ninety per cent of nurses are female; 80 per cent of doctors are male. As one ascends the nursing hierarchy, the proportion of males increases, while in the medical profession women are decreasingly represented in the higher ranks. The difference in the representation of men and women in medical and paramedical jobs occurs largely in terms of gender expectations.

Doyal and Pennell, in their book The Political Economy of Health, give an historical analysis of the development of this situation. They quote Eckstein:
. . . the Nightingale nurse was simply the ideal Lady, transplanted from home to the hospital . . . to the doctor, she brought the wifely virtue of absolute obedience. To the patient she brought the selfless devotion of a mother. To the lower level hospital employees, she brought the firm but kindly discipline of a household manager accustomed to dealing with servants. . .
In their own analysis, they go on to say:
A basic division was therefore created between what were regarded as the hard-headed, diagnostic attitudes of medicine, the "curing" that male doctors did, and the “caring" which was to be done by women. . . 
In other words, to be a nurse is to be the stereotypical woman: selfless, devoted, committed and unassertive. In fact this is becoming less and less the case. Changing social attitudes to masculinity and femininity have enabled nurses to he more critical of tradition — and this has encouraged their greater militancy in the traditionally male arena of trade union action. To be involved in action for better pay and conditions means leaving selflessness and unassertiveness behind: means abandoning, to some extent, passive femininity and recognising a class interest. This is a vital step in the development of women's consciousness. Unless women reject traditional femininity, they will not develop a critical attitude toward society. Nursing creates many contradictions, which can be resolved in a class conscious way.

But we start with indignation. Nurses are rightly indignant about their position. They are sick of working for a pittance. Anyone can see that for a nurse, trying to get everything done is like trying to bail out a leaking boat with a sieve. It is time for nurses to express this real indignation — and not just about being paid “too little". It is time to get up and say “Look, I'm sick of being put upon, of being paid a pittance to watch people suffer needlessly. There comes a time when I just have to express my own needs — there’s just too many demands being made on me. I am being exploited in every sense of the word — as a worker selling myself for a salary as well as a person wanting to help other people".

Within capitalism, genuine caring cannot flourish. For nurses and other workers, self and mutual interest only begin with fighting for better pay; beyond this is a necessary political struggle to create a society in which the desire to be co-operative and caring people can be realised.
Chira Lovat

Saturday, November 2, 2024

The nurses' dilemma (1982)

From the November 1982 issue of the Socialist Standard

In any dispute over their pay, nurses are in an extremely difficult position. The desire to care for other human beings and to accept responsibility for them when they are in need is a compelling desire for most, if not all of us. The gratification of this desire is intensely rewarding and the great majority of working people, their lives eclipsed by a nine-to-five routine, may speak with envy of the nurses' privileged role. It is true that nurses may in some instances be moved to acts of gross inhumanity. whether by occupational stress or shortcomings in their private lives; this is amply demonstrated by recent well-publicised reports of sustained brutality towards patients at the Rampton Hospital. But for the overwhelming majority of nurses, and for all workers with a direct involvement in patient care, the patients' needs command immediate concern and attention.

Thus it is only in the last few years that nurses in this country have even threatened industrial action. In their ballot on the initial 6.4 per cent pay offer. RCN nurses refused an offer for the first time ever. Even while some nurses are striking in defence of that refusal a few creep back, conscience-stricken, through picket lines, to bring fish and chips to the patients or reassure themselves that the remaining staff can cope. After the IRA bomb attack in Hyde Park, large numbers of local health workers called off their strike in order to look after the victims; and the TUC Health Services Committee still insists upon its code of conduct, according to which emergency services must be maintained throughout the strikes. In effect, all health workers (but above all the nurses) are morally blackmailed not to strike.

Can anyone doubt their desperation, when people accustomed to such selfless actions can bring themselves to dismantle beds (at the West Cheshire Hospital) to prevent further non-emergency admissions? Can anyone believe that they watch the waiting list for surgical operations at St. Thomas’s Hospital in London mounting to the 8,000 mark, and hear a district health administrator in Doncaster announcing that "it may be the case that some patients are dying" with equanimity? Some health workers even called for a one-day suspension of the accident and emergency services. These people are not murderers, whatever the newspapers may say.

The tragic fact is that there can be no progress towards their simple quest as they do their gruelling work for the benefit of others, unless they are also ready at times to endanger the lives of their patients and dependants by industrial blackmail. All workers are mercenaries, who must sell their abilities to an employer or else go hungry; and just as the buyer must learn those highly-valued attributes of the successful businessman — hard bargaining and ruthless persistence — so also must the worker, if he or she is not to be degraded to the barest minimum of subsistence. Mercenaries learn quickly that conscience and devotion to "duty" are luxuries which, at times, they cannot afford.

Any illusions about the NHS being a service created with the humane motive of free care for all, are dispelled if we consider why health services in a rudimentary form were available to workers as early as the mid-nineteenth century. Is it credible that tyrannical employers, bleeding their workers for every last drop of profit, should have subsidised medical attention for their sick and injured wage-slaves, solely for the latter's benefit? The major improvements in sanitation, the building of many early hospitals and workhouses and the proliferation of doctors in Britain during the nineteenth century, were generally limited to those areas where industry needed a fit and healthy workforce, rather than those parts where people's needs were greatest. London and the major English conurbations had well-established systems of relief for the sick, the disabled and the most impoverished males, long before the centuries-starved and diseased peasants of Ireland (then part of the Empire) received any succour. And when conditions at last began to improve in Ireland, as in underdeveloped parts of all nations, they did so first in industrial centres (in the North), only benefiting people in the populous but economically backward country districts as they gave up their ties with the land and put themselves at the service of their new industrial overlords.

The myth of the NHS as an island of welfare in the sea of capitalism is fast waning as the recession puts increasing pressure on the provision of services. The taxes levied to finance these services are a burden ultimately on employers, who are prepared to provide maintenance services to their workers for reasons of efficiency; but in a recession even this is threatened. Workers cannot withhold taxes or channel them as they might wish. If someone earns £4,000 a year "after tax", that is all he or she earns. Taxes are only what the boss is prepared to give his government, in order that we may be fed and watered, trained and controlled, and mended when we are broken. "Our"national income tax has been a confidence trick from the first, to make us seem better off than we are, and to encourage in us a spurious pride in "public" projects — be they hospitals or wars — over which we have no control.

The NHS did not represent a departure from the economic imperative of capitalism, although this is not to say that some politicians and reformists might not, in 1944 as in previous years, have had humane motives. But the important point is that only while such relief brought economic advantage to the owners of industry would they fund such a programme. The NHS aimed to extend the existing "breakdown service” for workers to the poorest and most vulnerable to disease after the slaughter of the Second World War — who would be needed to rebuild the profitable economy in the post-war years. Similar attempts were made in other European countries at the time. In the end, however, the proclaimed commitment of the government of 1944 to ensuring "that in future every man, woman and child can rely on getting . . . the best medical and other facilities available" was empty verbiage. The amount of money spent on building new hospitals and health centres remained virtually constant throughout the 1950s, and staff training showed only a moderate increase. The prosperous industrial centres, where health services had previously been concentrated, continued to see the largest developments in health care, while the most outlying districts and those inner city districts where viable industry had been depleted by war, depression and the decline of established trades were generally neglected. Julian Tudor Hart, a GP in South Wales (one of the more deprived areas) has referred to this as the "Inverse Care" law, according to which the greatest effort is devoted to providing for those least in need. The others, who because of their birthplace or their bad fortune offer insufficient returns on commercial exploitation, must go short.

The same artificial economic restriction leads to an emphasis on "curing" rather than caring, and to the neglect of services to the elderly and the mentally handicapped. Life expectancy has increased since 1870 as a result of improved food and water supplies and sanitation. Therapeutic medicine has had little effect. Improvements in the conditions of the working class within capitalist society are only paid for if they can generate an overall increase in profitability. It has been clear since 1948 that the NHS could not hope to improve health care for workers up to the standards enjoyed by the rich.

Aneurin Bevan's Ministry of Health, after protracted squabbles, left the consultant physicians and surgeons ample opportunity to keep pay beds in NHS hospitals, even giving their private patients priority in the use of NHS staff and facilities (the practice is still widespread). From the start, these private beds were set in comfortable surroundings which contrasted sharply with the spartan appearance of the wards. Private clinics continued to grow separately, and Labour administrations have turned out to be as keen as any other to scotch moves towards their abolition. For while no government would dare to cut off its pay-masters' access to the best medical care, at the sort of price that only they and their best-paid hirelings could afford (up to £1,600 a week in some chic London hospitals) no government could hope to provide such facilities for the whole working class. Even BUPA can provide its poorer clients with no more than cheap nursing-home accommodation and decidedly second-rate treatment.

All this must not be taken to mean that the NHS is cheap. Government predictions put its net cost next year at £8-9 billion (around 40 per cent of total "public expenditure"). So it is hardly surprising that in a recession expenditure is cut back — by Labour and Conservative governments. The closure of hospitals, the growth of waiting lists, the continuing discrimination against the "Cinderella services" and the mounting toll of deprivation and disease (for example, whooping cough) in under-financed districts are in a very real sense inevitable to the working of the present social system, as is the call for increased efficiency (lay-offs) to compensate. This is the profit motive in action: this is the legacy of capitalism. And if, at the same time as the hospitals are closing, ad-men still pimp for the booze and tobacco companies, fortunes are spent teaching children to suck their teeth away, factories spew their toxic wastes into the environment. and homelessness, poverty and unemployment eventually drive one in nine of us into mental illness — then that is also the inevitable legacy of capitalism.

So no special responsibility for the plight of the patients can be laid with the health workers. The profit system created much of their sickness to begin with. The profit system required the running-down of the health service in response to the recession in the trade cycle. And the profit system obliges nurses and porters, like all other workers, to resort to desperate and sometimes inhuman measures, if they are necessary for their survival.

Strategy for victory
Certainly, the history of the trade union movement contains some relative successes. After 1824, when unions were first legalised in Britain, wages and working conditions showed a marked improvement. Since that time, employers have seldom dared to impose such inhuman conditions upon unionised workers (in peacetime at least) as were commonplace before 1824. Both private employers and governments regularly consult unions over wage-fixing, and from this fact there has arisen the popular myth of union power.

But, like the provision of health care, the legalisation of union activity could only take place when it was likely to contribute to the smooth running of capitalism. To a certain extent, legalisation was prompted by the realisation that the unions simply would not go away; but there was more to it than that. For in so far as they discipline their own members, maintaining order on the shop floor, unions play an important part in capitalist production. In a recession. when production is being cut back anyway, the strike weapon is far less effective than in times of boom.

Trade union action is weakened by the lack of democracy, where decisions about the running of strikes are left to minorities. The elevation by union members of some workers as leaders makes it easier for the employers to defuse the impact of the action by selective sackings, such as that of Philip McIntee. NUPE shop steward at the London Hospital in Whitechapel, on 19 August.

Workers are forced to struggle constantly through trade unions even to prevent living standards being reduced, and sometimes in this circular struggle the insanity of the system of wage labour leads to painful dilemmas such as that faced by the NHS workers. Strikes by any workers, be they coal miners, sewage workers, lorry drivers or fruit pickers, if they are to hurt the employer are also likely to hurt other workers. They must also hurt the strikers themselves, if only by the temporary drop in earnings. It may make them generally unpopular, and it may lose them their jobs. If they win their dispute, it may be at the cost of other concessions; if they lose it. much bitterness will remain. Whether the industry concerned is private or state owned, and whether the government is Labour or Tory makes no difference to this. Labour governments tried to limit wage increases by legislation and have called in troops to break strikes, as well as making cuts in public services. British Rail workers are the latest to have learned the true position of state employees, and the NHS workers must do so too.

The real solution to the health workers' dilemma lies beyond the struggle over wages. All of the wealth in society is produced by wage- and salary-earning workers. This society exists because workers consent to profits and wages, the factories which provide wealth as well as poisoning us, the media which enlighten and mislead us, and the hospitals which cure us, only to send us back to be damaged further. It now is time for us to take control of them all. to realise the next economic and social stage of human social evolution. Then, medical resources need be limited only by the rate at which it is possible and desirable to produce them, rather than by the artificial barrier of financial viability. The task of caring can be a joyful one, in which all can participate freely. 
PC

Blogger's Note:
I'm not 100% sure who 'PC' was. My initial thought was that it could have been an early pen-name for Carl Pinel, but I've since been told that it could have been (Doctor) Peter Cook. Fingers crossed that one of them reads the blog, and clears the matter up for me.

Tuesday, June 20, 2023

Cooking the Books: Are nurses exploited? (2023)

The Cooking the Books column from the June 2023 issue of the Socialist Standard

Most of the recent and ongoing strikes are in the so-called ‘public sector’, by those working for the government at national or local level or for semi-state bodies such as the health service or schools and universities. The work they do is not sold but is a service provided by the state. They are not producing for profit; how then can they be said to be exploited?

If you work for a private (or state) enterprise producing something concrete that is sold, it is fairly easy to see that you are being exploited in the sense of being legally deprived of a part of what you produce.

But what about those employed by the state to do work that is not sold?

The first thing to note is that such employees are in the same basic position as any other worker. The means of production being monopolised by a tiny section only of the population, everybody else is driven by economic necessity to find an employer to get money to buy what they need to live. Workers get a living by working for wages, irrespective of who that employer is.

Wages are a price, the price of something that is being bought and sold. The textbooks say that this is ‘labour’, or the work done for the employer. In fact, however, it is the employee’s capacity to work, what Marx’s translators called ‘labour-power’. What it describes is the capacity a human has to use their physical and mental energy to perform a particular type of work.

Some people who work do sell their ‘labour’ in the sense of the product of their work — the self-employed; what their clients are paying for is the price of their work. But this is not the case with employees. They are selling their capacity to work and their employer is paying the price of this, not that of their work. This price — wages — depends on what it costs to produce it: the cost of the food, clothes, housing, travel, entertainment and training needed to keep them fit to work at their particular trade or profession; in short, on what is called ‘the cost of living’. Wages reflect this cost and are not the same as the work done for an employer. In fact, the work done to produce what workers consume is less than the work they perform while working for an employer.

A part, therefore, of their ‘labour’ is not paid for. In the case of those producing something for sale this is profits, realised when the product is sold. In the case of those working for the state or semi-state bodies this unpaid labour means that the service is being provided cheaper than otherwise. The state or semi-state employer seeks to provide its particular service as cheaply as possible; in other words, to maximise the amount of unpaid labour extracted from their employees. After all, the money they spend comes from taxes that ultimately fall on the profits of capitalist businesses and doing this reduces that.

If employees were being paid for their work — what they do in the course of their time at work — there would be nothing left for the employer’s profit. In the case of state and semi-state employees they would have to be paid much more than they are, much more than they need to create their labour-power.

Workers in the ‘public sector’, like that of their fellow workers in the profit-seeking ‘private sector’, also perform unpaid labour for their employer even if it is not monetised as profit.

So, yes, nurses too are economically exploited as they perform unpaid as well as paid work for their employer.

Monday, April 24, 2023

The Lady with the Lamp (1944)

From the March 1944 issue of the Socialist Standard

Nursing as it is To-day
That nursing is a vocation in the religious sense is an assertion surprisingly still made to-day, as witness the film “The Lamp Still Burns,” about which something will be said later. Nurses, like Nuns, are supposed to take up their work in response to a mysterious call, but many relinquish its mixed joys on closer acquaintance.

In early times, before the dissolution of the monasteries, the care of the sick was in the hands of the religious houses, remnants of which became the first voluntary hospitals. The Elizabethan Poor Law was the basis of what is now the municipal hospital, first under the Parish overseer, then the Board of Guardians, and lastly the Ministry of Health.

Of nurses and nursing in this country we know little before the nineteenth century, and training was unknown. In military hospitals there were no female nurses, and mortality was high. The lack of organisation went unnoticed until a major war occurred nearer the scale of modern war. War to the general public seemed far away when only a standing army was affected.

In the early nineteenth century there were voluntary hospitals and workhouse infirmaries for the sick poor, looked after by nurses who, if for nothing else, were known for their drunkenness. This was excused on the ground that hospital conditions were so terrible that some stimulant was necessary to enable nurses to carry on. Beds were packed close together, fresh air was practically nil, and surgical cases often died of the dreaded hospital gangrene. The rich were cared for in their own homes, by women of whom Dickens’ Sarah Gamp seems to have been a fair prototype; but at least they were not exposed to the infection of a hospital ward. Any poor ignorant woman who was fitted for nothing else could be a nurse. They worked long hours, did all the domestic work, and usually lived in the hospital, often in the wards themselves.

In the mid and late nineteenth century great reforms came about, mainly through the establishment of training centres, notably Florence Nightingale’s school of nursing and St.Thomas’s Hospital in 1860. Florence Nightingale may be called the founder of modern nursing. Though known sentimentally as the “Lady with the Lamp,” she instituted modern hospital planning and hygiene, and spread much knowledge of sanitation. It is interesting to notice a little of her career. Being of the propertied class, her wish to be a nurse was resisted by her parents on the ground that a gentlewoman could not associate on equal terms with working women, often drunken and immoral, and, even if chaste, still working women. After much resistance she obtained what training she could at Kaiserworth in Germany in 1851 and with the Sisters of Charity in Paris in 1853.

In 1853 the Crimean War commenced, and in this major campaign great perturbation was caused by the deaths of the wounded British from negligence. Nearly 50 per cent. died. People became incensed as they learned that preparations and precautions were practically nil. The French ally, by contrast, had reasonably well organised medical services, and had taken 50 Sisters of Charity to act as nurses.

Florence Nightingale was asked by the Government to take a party of nurses to remedy matters. We have seen that the British Army had no female nurses, and this intrusion was energetically resisted by many of the medical officers, who saw in it criticism of themselves. The medical profession to-day likewise resists any apparent encroachment on their privileges. We know by Florence Nightingale’s reorganisation of the hospitals at Scutari and in the Crimea that she did not lack energy and initiative.

Following the Crimean War, strenuous efforts were made to reorganise hospitals in this country, and trainees of Florence Nightingale started nursing schools at many hospitals, and the status of nursing became raised.

Just before the turn of the century, great improvement were made in this and other Western countries. Efforts were made to check infectious diseases by isolating and notifying. Great strides in medicine, such as the technique of antiseptic surgery, introduction of anaesthetics, discoveries of the causes of hitherto baffling diseases were made. County councils with medical officers of health were set up, and sanitation at last received some attention.

Florence Nightingale’s reforms in nursing had their way because all this was in the air. The discoveries in medicine made the more intelligent nursing of the sick essential. It was not something which just happened out of the blue by the goodness of one woman, but because at this time it became necessary to transform the Sarah Gamp into a trained knowledgeable worker in the art of nursing, into a woman who could carry out important observations, and many special treatments—in a word, to change the unskilled into the skilled worker.

In 1902 the Midwives Act was passed—”an Act secure the better training of midwives.” Efforts were made to secure as nurses girls of better education, at least secondary school standard. But the shortage of suitable recruits has usually been acute except at the best teaching hospitals —e.g., the London voluntary Hospitals. Girls of better education have wanted better rewards than nursing can give. The lure of the vocation, the life of satisfying work for suffering humanity, etc., ad nauseum, have all been tried. The bait has never been good conditions, reasonable hours and adequate pay for an efficient worker. But the dope has never been completely successful. The municipal hospitals and smaller voluntary hospitals have had to recruit from the elementary schools. This makes it difficult for the recruit, who has probably left school at 14 years and worked in a shop, office or factory, to go back to school again at 18 years. Particularly is this the case now that many high schools run pre-nursing courses, thus relieving the student nurse of much study in her first difficult year of hospital life.

A student has much to learn of a scientific character, and a knowledge of chemistry and mathematics is a great help to the prospective nurse. As always, the good background of education makes all the difference between taking a job in one’s stride or making it a very hard grind. Many fall by the wayside and never become State registered. They then become the assistant nurses, or, shall we say, the labourers of the present nursing world.

What has been the reward for the hard grind ? Until the Rushcliffe scale of salaries was introduced recently, the best salary paid to a student nurse was £20 in the first year, £30 in the second, and £40 in the third, together with board and lodging. The answer to complaints on this score has always been that training was being given free during this period, whilst other trainees—e.g. doctors, teachers, architects, etc.—have to pay for theirs. Such students, however, do not have to work 10-12 hours day or night, often at an exhausting pace, and then attend lectures afterwards. In the writer's experience of commencing training only 11 years ago night duty commenced at 7.30 p.m. and finished at 8 a.m. Often the entire night was worked without a break even for a meal, and then lectures had to be attended at either 9 a.m. or 6 p.m. At 9 a.m. the lecturer received scant attention. A hard school, indeed, and the one night off per week was often spent in sleeping the clock round. The Horder Committee report on nursing reconstruction, recently published, recommends that the nurse should be a student paying for her training, and not an hospital employee responsible for the work of the hospital. They suggest she should be helped by Government grants.

Conditions, however, are improving, in order to attract recruits of what are termed the better kind. Parents are not willing to allow their daughters to undergo an interesting but vigorous training at the cost of their health. “Hard work never killed anyone,” still say some members of the old school. Perhaps not, but health may be impaired, and vitality and energy for outside interests may be completely sapped. We do not, generally speaking, find nurses interested in political questions and world affairs. Why? Because the hospital is its own little world in which one may work and take no notice of the greater world. This may be thought a good thing. Florence Nightingale would have considered that completely absorbing work in the service of others was so. Facts belie it. A nurse so living becomes narrow and harsh, and finally is quite unable to understand the youngest recruits. Certain hospitals in this country now allow their trained staff to live out. This has, on the whole, been extremely successful, and these hospitals have had less difficulty in obtaining staff.

What are the nurse’s expectations when finally she is trained, passes her exams, and can put those long-coveted letters S.R.N. behind her name? She may remain in a general hospital as a staff nurse to do surgical or medical nursing, and after a few years of experience become a Sister and direct the ward. She may take further training in some other branch of. nursing—e.g., midwifery, fevers, children, district, public health or industrial nursing. Many fields of interest are now open to the trained nurse. The latest of these is that of industrial nursing.

The Government has recommended that factories employ a trained nurse and establish a first-aid and welfare department. This department was not established out of the kindness of the employer’s heart. Absenteeism through sickness is considerably reduced: prompt treatment of accidents saves weeks of disability, and reduces compensation;—the worker with a wound has his dressing done by the factory nurse, thus preventing him taking a day off to visit his local hospital or his panel doctor.

Public health and district work is popular, as here the nurse works with greater freedom than her hospital colleague, and she lives out. These nurses regard their work as important and socially useful; their hours are reasonable, and their scale of salary has just been raised through the recommendations of the Rushcliffe Committee. It is not, however, princely, as the maximum salary for a superintendent of health visitors, a post only reached after years of experience, is £55O per year.

The Rushcliffe yearly salaries for the trained nurse are £90, for the ward sister £130, and for a sister tutor £200 rising to £350. These are exclusive of emoluments. The student nurse is to be paid at the rate of £10 first year. £45 second year, £50 third year, and £60 fourth year. These are mentioned in detail as they were supposed to constitute a wonderful improvement.

Previous to the war nurses who married were expected to leave. Since the war they have been permitted—nay, implored—to remain. Florence Nightingale was harsh with nurses who married; she considered that they should devote their whole lives to their work.

The clock cannot be put back despite frantic efforts to do so. The production at this time of the film “The Lamp Still Burns” shows a desire to do so. The heroine, Hilary, foregoes her private life to serve her calling. Few would be willing to make such an unnatural sacrifice Why should such an anachronism be expected? Under modern conditions the nurse may work, for example, for eight hours efficiently and then leave hospital, district or clinic for her home or her own interests and relaxation. The nurse in training may live in for convenience, but should have her lectures in her “on duty” time.

Reorganisation is required and had to some small extent been carried out in England before the war, but more widely in America. Under better conditions nursing could be a most satisfying kind of work. Indeed, it provides an answer to those who state that workers must have bosses. Many nurses, working without supervision, voluntarily exceed their hours of duty for their patients’ welfare.

Efforts are required by nurses themselves to improve their conditions. Hitherto they have been too exhausted to do much in that direction, plus, of course, the play on the vocational side.

The nurse has now become a skilled worker, but do not whisper this to her, as she is taught to regard herself as belonging to the professional class, whom it would appear are a race apart. This snobbery has been a bar to trade-union activity, which has, generally speaking, been resisted by hospital matrons.

Apart from the apathetic state of nurses, three main obstructions to progress exist : The attitude of the working class, who ignorantly look on her as an angel of mercy or despise her as part of what they regard as the racket of medicine; the medical profession, who wish the nurse to be the Cinderella to their own great glory; lastly, from those who as nurses wish the vocational idea to continue.

Many of the diseases and accidents which can be directly traced to the needless hazards of industry or to the poverty of the workers, as well as the more dramatic casualties of war, will die with the death of capitalism. Only under a form of society in which the health and happiness of people, rather than the production of commodities, is the aim can nursing come into its own, with its infinite possibilities of satisfying work.
W. P.