Showing posts with label January 1983. Show all posts
Showing posts with label January 1983. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 24, 2024

Editorial: Nineteen eighty-two . . . (1983)

Editorial from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

However 1982 is remembered, it will not be as a time when the human race progressed towards a resolution of any of its problems. It opened, as does every year, to a fanfare of wishes and prayers that it might be a period of prosperity, peace and happiness. It closed, as does every year, leaving memories of only poverty, fear and misery.

It was the year when unemployment in Great Britain topped the three million mark. There are very few politicians now who are eager to offer the Norman Tebbit explanation for unemployment — that it is nourished by the workers’ lack of will to find an employer. In that total of three million are young people fresh out of school or college, trained and conditioned to take their place in the galleys of wage slavery. To them, viewing their prospects, life on the dole is now as natural as life in employment is to their parents. Unless, that is, their parents are also out of work. The three million include a significant and growing number who have abandoned all expectation of ever again finding a job. Many have accumulated an impressive library of letters of rejection. The conclusion they draw, along with those economists who, mistakenly, argue that high unemployment is structural to capitalism, is that they will spend the rest of their life scrimping a miserable existence on the dole.

It is however important not to lose sight of the reality of this sorry situation. Unemployment is not the scandal which so many ambitious politicians, for example in the Labour Party, would have us believe. It is not some unnatural curse, to be exorcised by the high priests in a future Labour government. It is in fact quite natural to capitalism, a part of the system’s anarchic-cycle of boom and slump. Labour’s record in this is no better than that of the Tories; they have been no more successful in ordering the chaos of capitalist society.

The Labour Party’s present campaign on the issue seeks to gain from the popular belief that plentiful employment means security and prosperity. This belief is a long way wide of reality. Workers suffer poverty of varying intensity throughout their lives; it is an inescapable feature of their social status as members of the class which needs to sell labour power in order to live. There are times when this is easier than at others — in the heyday of a boom, for example, workers can exert more effective pressure in wage negotiations. At other times wages may be forced down, as is happening in many cases now, under the pressure of unemployment in a recession. But all such variations, up or down, do not affect the basic standing of the working class.

1982 was the year of the Falklands war— the year when anyone who thought that the bigotries, the bombast and the phraseology of Victorian imperialism were dead, fit subjects only for the satirist, had to readjust their ideas. The mindless jingoism which the government, supported by the official spokespeople of the Labour Party in parliament, was able to stimulate was soberly instructive to anyone who looks for signs of a developing enlightenment among the working class. The Falklands war showed that the crasser notions which prop capitalism up are alive and well and at their noxious business.

And by crass we do not just refer to the jingoism of Thatcher and her crew. The bombers were at work in Great Britain again in 1982, provoking a response as nasty and illogical as the theories which energise the bombers. The Irish nationalists, in their outdated bigotry and historical redundancy, are a prime example of those who, ignoring all reality and reason, insist that capitalist society would be more tolerable if some slight adjustments were made to it. In their case, Irish workers are recruited to kill and terrorise other members of their class in order to persuade the British government to withdraw their troops and to help organise Ireland into a single capitalist state. No working class interests are involved in such conflicts, although it is workers who pay for them with their blood.

There was, lest we forget, one event in 1982 which, we were informed by the media, was positively joyous. While millions throughout the world starved, two famous members of the parasite class, having first got married, together produced yet another parasite. Expensive doctors were there to ease the parasite into life and the great organs of public opinion (for such they like to regard themselves) rolled out their carpets of words in frantic celebration of the event. Socialists stand aside from all this; the birth of this new prince emphasised the class divisions of capitalism, the superiority in riches of the one class and the humiliation in poverty of the other.

And how, in 1982, did those humiliated workers react to the poverty, the fear and the degradations of capitalism? When they gave their verdict, it was depressingly hopeless. At each by-election there was solid support for the system to continue. The votes may have been redistributed a little from one capitalist party to another — from Conservative to Labour or Scottish Nationalist with the SDP picking up a few thousand from people under the delusion that they were voting for a fresh, original approach to politics. But the votes never threatened the theory that the society of class ownership of the means of life is logical, essential, efficient and therefore eternal. The security of the ruling class remained untouched.

Disappointing though this is, it does not weaken the socialists’ resolve to struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement by a social system based on the communal ownership of the means of wealth production and distribution. We work for this not because we are blind optimists nor because we are inspired with a religious faith in an Armageddon of the intellect. The case for socialism rests on the evidence of history, that people bring social systems to an end as they outlive their historical purpose. Typically, the events of 1982 gave much support to the socialist case that capitalism is no longer of use in the process of social evolution and is now a bar to human progress. It is time for the revolution to establish socialism and the need grows more urgent with each passing day.

and three . . . (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

New Year. Recover from the hang-over in time to confront the lingering stench of capitalist reality. Another twelve months of 1982, but in a different wrapper.

What will dominate the news in 1983? Hollywood romances; Chelsea fashions; Labour does the splits; wars in unpronounceable cities; SDP debates its fisheries policy; cabinet reshuffle; Miss World contest; Mary Whitehouse complains about too much reality on TV; someone who is someone dies; Princess drops a baby parasite; more Hollywood romances. 1983 will be one of those years that could have been a month if it was made by a skilled worker.

What will not dominate the news in 1983? Grown men crying because they’ve lost their jobs and rents/mortgages need to be paid; the last shiver of a dying pensioner who is too old and too poor to keep warm; children looking in shop windows and knowing what they cannot have; thirty million deaths by starvation, with corpses rotting in the shadow of potential plenty; frightened kids dressed up as uniformed men fighting senseless battles for complacent parasites; the silent suffering of the lonely and alienated; the slam of thousands of prison cell doors; the endless grinding of poverty — the left-overs of 1982's poverty being made to last for 1983.

The year ahead will see success for some. New jobs; scouting badges; holidays in Benidorm; new hats; promotion; marriage; cats having kittens. It will also see success for others. Increased profits; evictions of “unreliable" tenants; new weapons of murder; six month holidays, anywhere but Benidorm; multi-million pound inheritances.

January is a deceptive month. It is like the first day of school or the first night of the proms. Everyone anticipates; everyone knows what it will be like. They know what to expect, but go through the ritual of hoping for something different: "Well, that’s bloody 1982 over . . . now let’s . . . er . . . do it all over again”. The ongoing march of pathetic history.

Resolutions made — and broken. "In 1983 I will not . . . drop crumbs on the carpet, watch Blankety Blank, steal staples from the office, disobey the Ten Commandments". For most wage slaves the resolution is unstated: "I resolve to be a good worker, not think too much about the society I live in, and produce the profits which keep my exploiters in idle comfort". Then there are the fraudulent and the naive: Margaret Thatcher — "I resolve to make all Britons free, happy and prosperous like they used to be in the good old Nineteenth century”. Ken Livingstone — “I resolve to turn London into a nuclear-free, fully-employed, semi-demi-socialist zone”. Arthur Scargill — “I resolve to run the system of exploitation to the benefit of the exploited".

1983 need not be this way. Just as the horrors of the past were not inevitable, so the horrors yet to come need never trouble us beyond our imaginations. To stop them, though, we need more than resolution; to stop them requires revolution. Beyond wishful thinking there is a need for practical political action. The revolution must be a conscious one, carried out by men and women who oppose the system of capitalism, where needs come second to profits, and understand and want socialism. We need a revolution

BECAUSE the present world social system, capitalism, is based on the ownership of the means of living (land, factories, offices, mines, farms) by a minority elite and the consequent enslavement of the working class by whose labour alone wealth is produced.

BECAUSE there is an antagonism of interests within capitalism, manifesting itself as a class struggle, between those who possess but do not produce, and those who produce but do not possess.

BECAUSE the class struggle can only come to an end when the working class is emancipated from the domination of the capitalist class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.

BECAUSE, if you are a worker the present system can never run in your interests. You are just one member of a class whose energies and talents are sacrificed to the needs of the profit system.

Reality is for people to make, turning dreams into weapons. Let’s create a good reason to be happy: not the new year, but a new stage in human history — world socialism.
Steve Coleman

Capitalism or Socialism? (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard
The following speech was made by Clifford Slapper on behalf of the Socialist Party of Great Britain, in a debate against Richard Blausten, a prospective parliamentary candidate for the Conservative Party. The debate look place on 2 December in Islington.
Earlier this year, Margaret Thatcher told a group of Conservatives at Cheltenham that "We have ceased to be a nation in retreat. We have instead found a new confidence, born of the economic battles at home, and tested and found true 8,000 miles away". Several months before, a 44-year old Birmingham woman with two children had reportedly killed herself after being caught shoplifting (Guardian, 10 September). She was just one casualty of the economic battle glorified by Margaret Thatcher. The official Coroner’s Statistics for 1981 reported nearly 5.000 suicides in Britain in that year — an average of one every other hour. Of those they leave behind, in the hour of Thatcher’s speech, sixty were made redundant in Britain alone, and in the world as a whole 3,500 people starved to death.

The subject of this debate is whether production is to be for the profit of a minority who possess wealth without having to work to produce it. or for the use of all, to satisfy human needs directly. Defenders of capitalism argue that present property relations, class rule by a privileged minority, and dependence on market forces can be made to run in the interests of all. The daily experiences faced by all of us prove otherwise. My opponent in this debate can defend capitalism only by distorting our experiences or by knocking down false and mythical images of “socialism". The Russian regime, for example, was opposed by the Socialist Party as part of the capitalist world before Mr. Blausten was born and yet he takes it as his model of socialism.

Throughout history, people have come together to produce and distribute wealth. Society moves through successive forms, and capitalism is just one stage which arose out of earlier conditions, and gives rise to new conditions. The present world-wide society of capitalism is based on the ownership of the means of wealth production by a minority class. Through private shares or through the state, the factories, farms, mines, newspapers and so on are in the hands of a minority. In Britain, for example, according to Inland Revenue statistics, only seven per cent of the adult population have any shares, one per cent have four-fifths of all privately-held shares, and the richest one per cent possess more accumulated wealth than the poorest eighty per cent of the whole population. The majority class of workers have little or no capital and are forced to work for wages or salaries, producing and distributing wealth. When goods and services are sold on the market, a surplus is accumulated by the owners of capital, arising out of the difference between the wealth produced and the wages paid as the minimum living costs of the workers involved. For example, in 1981, Whitbread made £66 million profit on a turnover of £782 million. With earnings per share of 23p a holder of a million shares would have received £230.000 unearned income. The “value added”, that is, the wealth created by each worker, was £12,082. and yet the average wage was less than half that amount. This is the legalised robbery on which capitalism is based; rent, interest and profit derive from the unpaid labour of the working class.

The class struggle between capitalist and worker carries on as an inevitable result of this conflict of interests. We are urged by our employers to produce more and consume less by absurdly illogical arguments, such as when Campbell Adamson, then director-general of the CBI, was quoted in 1976 as saying: "We believe that the lower the increase we can give ourselves as a nation next year, the better off we will all be". The people whose interests he was representing do not have to worry about bills and mortgages. Last July, Tiny Rowland's wealth increased by £7.5 million in one week. Earlier this year, the Bolivian tin magnate, Patino, died leaving a fortune said to be incalculable — as early as 1947 he had inherited one billion dollars from his father. Richard Northcott was recently paid £17 million by Woolworths for his DIY shop chain; he had inherited a chain of shops in 1974 from his father; 23-year old Dena Al-Fassi has filed a divorce action for three billion dollars against her husband. Sheik Muhammed Al-Fassi. State capitalism also allows a minority to profit. In 1981. British Telecom made £1 billion profit, over £550 million of which was paid as interest to capitalists investing in the business.

In April 1981 the government issued guidelines for officials searching for social security frauds, advising them to investigate those with a "suspiciously high" standard of living. This did not refer to Tiny Rowland, but to those in the impoverished and subordinate class which produces all wealth. The Dl ISS has recorded nearly one thousand deaths from hypothermia each year recently. Norman Fowler has referred to NHS strikers as "cruelly irresponsible" but in July, thirty-four children, most of them dying, were turned away from Guy’s Hospital. London, because the hospital could not "afford" enough nurses to care for them. Increasing poverty leads to frustration, domestic violence, racism and drug addiction. A recent report has estimated that there are now 40,000 drug addicts in Britain.

The anarchy of market competition means that capitalism can only expand by fits and starts, with periodic crises which cut production back. This leads to the waste and the misery of mass unemployment. Unemployment benefit has been cut by about five per cent in real terms for each of the last three years. Instead of pooling resources in order to satisfy needs, we are regimented into the separate productive armies of companies and states competing for profits in the world market. At the moment, on average, one person dies of starvation each second. That is. one "Hiroshima" (120.000 dead) every other day. This is not because of any natural or inevitable scarcity. Farmers in America are being paid by the government not to grow wheat. A feature article in the Financial Times refers to “this paradox of rising malnutrition amid rising output in agriculture" and states that "gifts of free food, which can undermine local markets, can disrupt the process" (7 August 1979). The process referred to is the accumulation of capital by a minority through the market system. This is the warped logic of an anti-human system. Reports from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation and the World Bank show that there is no absolute scarcity of resources which would prevent us from producing enough for all.

In every field of life, capitalism has to place profit before human need. There are now 50,000 homeless families in Britain, but fewer houses are being built than at any time since the Second World War. Indeed, there are 600,000 empty houses in Britain, and plenty of adverts for houses each week in the Sunday Times — for hundreds of thousands of pounds each. Thousands of unemployed building workers are told that it is not profitable for houses to be built at the moment. Then there is the threat of final destruction. on which the government’s advice has become very well known: “If a death occurs while you are confined in the fall-out room, place the body in another room and confine it as securely as possible. Attach an identification" {Protect and Survive). The governments of the world are spending one million dollars a minute on armaments, and not a day has gone by since 1945 without a major war taking place somewhere in the world. Why have millions of people been slaughtered in this way? Those governments themselves admit that they have to compete over trade routes, mineral resources, territories and markets: all sources of profit for the owners of capital within a particular nation. Such are the priorities of capitalism.

Produce for use
What. then, is the alternative to all this? Socialism would be a democratic system of production purely for use, not for profit. It can be established by a political, democratic and conscious movement of the world's workers, organised without distinction of age, race, sex or occupation. The present capitalist states of the world must be taken over democratically and dismantled, in order to create the alternative which has been historically produced by capitalism itself. Socialist society, being based on the common ownership of resources, would have no need for police or armed forces, national boundaries, wages, profits or any monetary system. In place of the exchange of property there would be free access for all to the wealth we produce. We can save on the waste of the advertising industry which tells people what they need, by deciding democratically what we wish to produce and consume. The duplication of the market, where rows of shops compete to sell the same shoddy items, and in which nuclear bombs and thalidomide can be produced because they sell, while 3,000 die for the lack of a kidney machine in Britain alone each year; all this can become a thing of the past.

If wealth is produced freely to satisfy needs without any buying, selling or “barter”, a whole range of coercive and commercial jobs essential to the present system would become unnecessary. Ticket collectors, security officers, accountants, bank staff and many others could enter useful, productive occupations. All of the present talk about “work-sharing" as the answer to unemployment cannot be implemented under capitalism, since the interests of profitability demand that a weekly "living wage" be paid to the minimum number of people, to work the longest possible hours, and produce the maximum amount of wealth within that week.

In a socialist society only the best would be produced for all. Without class, there would be no point in “lower price”, second-rate goods for people who cannot “afford” any better. The only limitation lies in the natural and human resources available to us, and the problem to be faced by socialist society will be how best to produce and distribute goods and services in accordance with freely expressed human needs, on a world scale. Without commercial competition and restraint, we need not be artificially hindered in our efforts to care for those who might be too young, old, sick or weak to care for themselves. In socialist society, work becomes voluntary and cooperative and the foundation of social organisation is a harmony between individual and social self-interest. Communications can be organised on a democratic basis, using the technology which is already developed. People can participate in production initiatives on a local and regional basis. The end of property society will be the beginning of consciously made human history. Cultural diversity can flourish in a world of harmonised aims without the arbitrary divisions of national policing boundaries. The economic dependency of children on parents, wives on husbands and elderly parents on children would be replaced by a social dependency of mutual aid, in which security can be based on the stability of society itself.

What is the reaction of the social conservative to this prospect of liberating the productive forces of society from the fetters of profit? The present round of pollution, waste, poverty and war, it seems, is preferable. People may want houses to live in, clothes to wear, but why should investors allow us to build and make them if it is not profitable to them? “Market forces deliver the goods"? Four tons of explosives for every person on earth, while thirty million starve to death each year. “Individual enterprise”? In 1980, twenty small businesses went broke each day. If a worker were to save £5 each week to buy the Duke of Westminster’s London property alone, it would take 7.5 million years. “Freedom”? For those who monopolise wealth to continue to do so.

What is the lory, monetarist Utopia? Let the crisis run its course, they say, to restore profitability. There should be no inflation, little state intervention, weak trade unions, they say. Just like during the nineteenth century, which culminated in the Great Depression, mass unemployment and the First World War. Capitalism cannot be made harmonious, humane or even efficient. Unemployment is at three million and rising in Britain (and twelve million in the USA) because of world capitalism's inevitable periodic recession. Labour and Tory defenders of this system engage in futile arguments over whether private or state spending is most capable of regenerating the wage-slavery of employment. The Left neglect a key point of Marx's economic work, that the trade cycle of booms and slumps is inherent to world capitalism.

The present system is incompatible with genuine democracy or serving human needs. When faced with the alternative of socialism, defenders of capitalism dismiss genuine social democracy as impossible. As one famous statesman put it: “history has demonstrated that throughout time and space . . . there have forever been two classes of persons . . . one dominating and the other dominated . . . has it not always been a minority, through the machinery of government, that imposes its will on the great mass?” These were the words of Mussolini, the founder of Fascism. This argument, borrowed from religious mythology, that people are innately evil, unco-operative and incapable of organising themselves democratically is disproved by the course of human history.

Human supremacy over the earth was achieved by mutual co-operation, not competition. The classless, primitive communism of hunter-gatherers existed until just the most recent 15.000 years of human life. Capitalism over the last few centuries has been the culmination of this period of society, in which the institution of private property has been used to increase production to a level which makes world socialism a practical alternative. Capitalism has developed technology rapidly, but unevenly and with waves of waste and destruction. It has united the world through international trade, but divided it through economic and military conflict between rival nation states. It has produced two final, universal classes of capital and labour, and the potential for producing enough for all, which is constantly frustrated by the law that without profit, there must be no production. There are brutal state dictatorships across two-thirds of the world and a dictatorship of the boardroom in the remaining third. There is a constant danger of frustration leading to fascist responses, for example in the frightening rise of physical attacks on Asians in Coventry and other places over the last few years.

There is an increasingly urgent choice between the continuation of hunger while food is destroyed or not produced at all, and of escalating militarism alongside the almost universal desire for peace, and the alternative of socialism. What is needed to harmonise society is a social revolution based on the desire to direct change in our own material interests, rather than letting it direct us.

An employer, writing in the Chicago Daily News on 16 June 1906. justified his policy of providing benefits for his workers as follows: “When I keep a horse and I find him a clean stable and good food, I am not doing anything philanthropic for my horse". Since then, class consciousness and understanding among workers has forced the ruling class to become more discreet. But the moulding of millions of human beings into units of profitable production, our consumption of wealth minimised as "labour costs", will continue until we change the basis of production. Defenders of capitalism tell us that we are incapable of organising democratically to change society. In conclusion, we urge you to join with us in proving them wrong.

Tuesday, January 23, 2024

TV Review: Something Else — Frank Finds Out

TV Review from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

One genuinely enjoyable piece of British TV — entertaining without pandering to racial prejudice or mocking traditional working class stereotypes and of particular interest for its insight into the capitalist system — was screened on October 8. The programme Frank Finds Out was part of the Something Else series, made by young people: it related the adventures of a young unemployed person, confused as to the reason for his plight, setting off to London on his bike, no less.

Frank's object is not to find work but to discover who is responsible for his life being run against his own interests — “The Guilty Ones" as he calls them. His investigation of the various institutions working to perpetuate the current system was often hilarious and sometimes very pointed. On the Prime Minister he comments: 
She won't listen to your point of view if you've only got a couple of quid; try donating £30,000 to the Party, that should get you invited in for a cup of tea and a chat. 
The Royal baby (“Who's a lucky boy then?") is shown to want for nothing while workers" children live in varying degrees of poverty.

On capitalist production and the minority ownership of land, the film was trenchant in its satire. For example there was Mr. Capitaling. derived from the advertisement character Mister Kipling, making "exceedingly large turnovers" and using his inherited capital to make a surplus from the bakers and then reinvest his profit. His workers buy back a proportion of what they have produced but are compelled to return to the ovens next week, to repeat the whole process over again. And when the warehouses are full? “Simple", says Mr. Capitaling. "I close down the works" —- and here we see the now sad-faced bakers trudging dutifully to the Job Centre.

Another character, the "Villain", the embodiment of the "criminal element" in the working class, tells us that he is regarded as a "Wrongdoer" by most of society. He proceeds to show, however, that the real crime is that the land-owning class claim divine right of possession, whereas in fact they obtained their land not through currently accepted means — "Did Henry VIII go to his nearest estate agent and negotiate for St. James Park?" — but as part of an historical process of appropriation.

The "Villain" asks whether god gave these people the land or whether they just took it and concludes with the following indictment:
As Winston Churchill almost said. "Never before in the field of human con tricks, has so much been stolen from so many by so few".
Of course the presentation of the Queen, the Prime Minister, the High Court Judges, civil servants and multinational corporations as the enemy of "the Guilty" suggests that the removal of these institutions, even if possible under capitalism. would end problems like unemployment. This is false optimism: only the establishment of a society of free access to goods and services will do that.
PR, JG

Question Marx (1983)

'What did you put for question 7?'
From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The quotes below have been taken from some of the celebrated texts of the socialist movement and arranged in the form of a short multiple-choice quiz. Pit your wits against the forces of reaction and reformism, and discover in the process that not everything which labels itself (or is labelled) “Marxism”, actually is! Answers (with explanations) are found on a later page.

The first five questions all have to do with criticisms of the following passage:
The (...) workers' party, in order to pave the way to the solution of the social question, demands the establishment of producers’ co-operative societies with state aid under the democratic control of the toiling people. The producers' cooperative societies are to be called into being for industry and agriculture on such a scale that the socialist organisation of the total labour will arise from them.
1. To the ideas of which political figure does the following refer?

"In place of the existing class struggle appears a newspaper scribbler's phrase: ‘the social question , to the 'solution' of which one ‘paves the way’. Instead of arising from the revolutionary process of transformation of society, the ‘socialist organisation of the total labour’ ‘arises’ from the ‘state aid’ that the state gives to the producers’ co-operative societies and which the state, not the worker, 'calls into being'."
a) Mao Zedong
b) Joseph Stalin
c) Edouard Bernstein
d) Ferdinand Lassalle

2. To which country does this quotation make reference?

“From the remnants of a sense of shame, ‘state aid’ has been put - under the democratic control of the ‘toiling people’ [However,] the majority of the ‘toiling people* in consists of peasants, and not of proletarians."
a) Germany in 1875
b) France in 1848
c) Russia in 1917
d) China in 1950

3. The working class in which country is being indicated in the following passage?

“. . . ‘democratic’. . . means ‘by the rule of the people', but what does ‘under the control of the toiling people organised so as to rule themselves' mean? And particularly in the case of toiling people which, in making such demands on the slate, expresses its full consciousness that it neither rules nor is ripe for ruling!”
a) Russian workers before 1917
b) Russian workers after 1917
c) German workers in the third quarter of the 19th century
d) Spanish workers during the 1854 Revolution

4. What type of organisation is being indirectly criticised by the author?

“The chief offence does not lie in having inscribed this specific nostrum in the programme. but in taking, in general, a retrograde step from the standpoint of a class movement to that of a sectarian movement.”
a) Owenite communities (c. 1840)
b) National workshops (c. 1848)
c) An organisation of revolutionaries (c. 1902)
d) Workers’ soviets (c. 1917)

5. Who was the head of state in the regime referred to below?

“. . . a state which is nothing but a police-guarded military despotism, embellished with parliamentary forms, alloyed with a feudal admixture, already influenced by the bourgeoisie and bureaucratically carpentered . . . ”
a) Tsar Nicholas II
b) Kaiser Wilhelm I
d) Nikita Krushchev

6. “The indirect dependence of man on man, which is now the basic feature of conditions which are most fully developed economically, cannot be understood and explained from their own nature, but only as a somewhat transformed heritage of an earlier direct subjugation and expropriation."

Who made the above statement?
c) V. I. Lenin

7. “Recently, however, since         adopted state ownership, a certain spurious socialism has made its appearance - here and there even degenerating into a kind of flunkeyism - which declares that all taking over by the State, even the Bismarckian kind, is in itself socialistic."

To which political regime was the writer of these lines addressing himself?
a) Bismarck’s Prussia
b) Mussolini's Italy
c) The Bolshevik state
d) The Popular Front in France

8. “The publicistic (ie, public] right of an economic commune in its instruments of labour is an exclusive right of property at least as against every other economic commune and also as against society and the State. But this right is not to entitle the commune ‘to cut itself off from the outside world, for among the various communes there is freedom of movement and compulsory acceptance of new members on the basis of fixed laws and administrative regulations . . .”’

Which sort of economic organisation do you think most closely fits this description?
a) A commonly owned and democratically controlled world-wide system of wealth production and distribution
b) A system based on New Lanark-style factory communities (as in 19th- century Britain)
c) A collective farm in a proletarian state (for example Russia)
d) An advanced co-operative or people's commune during a protracted period of socialist transition (China)

9. The “equality in principle of economic rights does not exclude the voluntary addition to what justice requires, of an expression of special recognition and honor . . . Society honors itself, in distinguishing the higher types of work by a moderate additional allocation for consumption."

To whose ideas does this statement allude?
a) Deng Xiaoping
b) V. I. Lenin
c) Eugen Dühring

10. “On the world market gold and silver remain world money, a general means of purchase and payment, the absolute social embodiment of wealth. And this property of the precious metals gives the individual members of the economic communes a new motive to the accumulation of a hoard, to getting rich, to usury; the motive to act freely and independently of the commune outside its borders, and to realise on the world market the private wealth which they have accumulated."

What kind of society, in your opinion, is being discussed here?
a) A society of free access to the means of life
b) A system under the thumb of bankers and financiers
c) One variety or another or state capitalism
d) A traditional capitalist economic system

11. “Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labour employed on the products appear as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labour no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of the total labour."

How would you describe the type of social organism implied in the above passage?
a) One in which the state regulates production, pays wages to workers and turns a profit on investment
b) A society reorganised as a proletarian state, in which capital is accumulated for the benefit of the workers
c) One in which the bourgeoisie has been forcibly subdued by the proletariat and which is evolving into a communist society
d) A communist society, not as it has developed on its own basis, but as it is just issuing out of capitalist society

Answers and explanation on page 16

Answer key and explanatory notes. Since a score doesn't really prove that you understand a subject, the purpose of this quiz is not to have you tally up points but only to induce you to think a little. And since the quotations were all taken from either Marx's critique of the Gotha Programme or from the second and third sections of Engels' Anti-Dühring, it would be automatically impossible for any of the choices referring to persons living or events taking place after 1878 to be correct. Apart from this little technical (and historical) detail, however, many of the ideas which were articulated by Lenin and his followers and which have long been considered as forming part of the heritage of Marxism turn out to be the same ideas for which Marx and Engels reserved their harshest criticisms!

The answers are as follows:
1-d. (Although if you answered a, b or c, we can’t blame you.)

2-a. Russia and China were manifestly not ready for socialism at the time of their respective revolutions. However, you will note that neither the goal of merely establishing a bourgeois republic nor of overthrowing it and setting up a proletarian state in its place (both of which were successively advocated by Lenin) differs essentially from the formula put forward in the Gotha Programme, since “producers’ co-operative societies" is just a fancy term for factories, farms and other forms of socialised labour.

3-c. In German, “democratic” is volks-herrschaftlich. Marx was critical of the suggestion (here) that trade-unions are capable of ruling a capitalist state. “Rule" in economic terms means “administration of wealth"; it is the owners of the means of production who rule. Faced with such a large rival constituency as the (reformed) peasantry of Russia, the workers of Russia were in a poor position in 1917 to claim ownership of the means of production on behalf of society as a whole. Given that not even Lenin supported common ownership of the means of production for the Russian working class during his lifetime, and given also that he dismissed workers in general as being incapable of class-consciousness “by their own unaided efforts", both a and b are logically as well as historically impossible. (Spain, on the other hand, is a somewhat problematical case, with which we need not concern ourselves here.)

4-b. This refers, of course, to the 1848 Revolution in France and to Philippe Buchc in particular, a religiously oriented democrat who advocated the slogan (which Leninists have borrowed and called “socialist”) to the effect that “he who will not work shall not eat”. Marx, in other words, was raking the architects of the Gotha Programme over the coals for confusing economic with political objectives. “Sectarian" in this context means “parochial”; Marx was claiming that the Socialist Workers' Party —product of the uniting of Lassalle’s General German Workers’ Union and the Marxist Social-Democratic Workers' Party — ran a serious risk of losing its way in a labyrinth of economic projects — of becoming no more than a trade-union lobby. Robert Owen's efforts may have been amateurish, but —especially in his later years — he was certainly no glib-talking lobbyist. On the contrary, in Lenin's proletarian state, workers' soviets must necessarily serve only as a lobby for the “armed proletariat", while the “organisation of revolutionaries” (a euphemism for the Bolshevik Party) could only be promoted to a management position.

5-b. Like the Second French Republic, which could not break free of its Napoleonic, Orleanist and Legitimist inheritance, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic of Nikita Krushchev was (and remains) moulded along fundamentally Tsarist lines, so that in many respects this dictatorship of the secretariat promotes a kind of industrial neo-feudalism — as do its enthusiasts in Czechoslovakia. naturally.

6-d. If “political power springs from the barrel of a gun” (Mao Zedong), as a result of having “smashed” the “bourgeois state” (Lenin), then what have you got but a “somewhat transformed heritage” of state-administered capitalism, whether by force (Dühring) or by compromise (Berlinguer)? A revolution whose immediate effect is other than to abolish the wages system is not a socialist revolution.

7-a. All four regimes demonstrate some tendency toward state capitalism, to one degree or another. Lenin himself identified state ownership and management of the means of production with socialism, proving only that if you run a capitalist system, then you must be a capitalist — either that, or you're some kind of flunkey.

8-d. Herr Dühring’s federation of economic communes bears an uncanny resemblance (on paper) to Chairman Mao’s people's communes. Since, on the other hand, common ownership (communism, or socialism) gives you the moneyless, worldwide community of producers, it would be economically impossible for any one locality to live in isolation. By the same token, remaking capitalism in the image of Owen’s New Lanark experiment would spell ruin for production based on profit. (As for the proletarian state, see below. No. 11.)

9-c. Quoted by Engels, the statement might easily have come right out of one of the platitude-filled speeches of either Deng Xiaoping or Edward Gierek; whereas Lenin’s concession to “reality” (the New Economic Policy, state capitalism) conceals the emergence of a new class of bureaucrat-capitalists, who decidedly believe society should honour itself by honouring them.

10-b. “Free access" means exactly that: no money. You cannot get rich in a socialist society; you are already born that way. If, conversely, “economic commune” is just a glorious nickname for “city" or “town", or even for agrarian state capitalism, then we already have them (choices c and d).

11-d. The first three choices respectively describe aspects or consequences of a proletarian revolution according to Lenin. First of all, wages, prices and profits signify commodity exchange; secondly, a “proletarian state" is a chimera — capital can only be accumulated for the benefit of capitalists; and thirdly, the working class cannot “subdue” the capitalist class without by the very fact abolishing its own status and becoming itself transformed into “society as a whole". Marx and Lenin very obviously disagree on whether a communist society can simply “issue out of capitalist society" or must first “develop on its own basis”. What Lenin describes as a "higher” phase, that is, developed communist society, Marx specifically mentions as pertaining rather to its merely having come into existence. He saw it as a political decision which cannot be put off until some remote future date or made by anyone else except the working class — in contrast to Lenin, who gave this “task” to the Party as part of its "leading role" and spoke of it as requiring decades to carry out.
Ron Elbert
(World Socialist Party of the United States)


* Questions 1, 2, 4 and 5 are quoted from Selected Works. International Publishers, 1969 ed.; question 3. because of the inadequacy and awkwardness of the translation, has been here reworded so as to bring out the sense of the passage, which otherwise degenerates into a meaningless conundrum. Question 11 is taken from the same source.

** Questions 6 to 10 are taken from the 1972 ed. of the International Publisher's version.

Letter: "Can you be serious?" (1983)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

Dear Editors,

In your October issue you have written that reforms of capitalism have “no useful, permanent effect on workers' lives except that by delaying socialism, they worsen workers’ conditions”. Can you be serious? All the rights won by the working class and the foundations of its economic and political strength have been gained by actions which, since we do not yet have socialism, must come under the definition of "reforms of capitalism".

The transcendence of capitalism must be a dialectical transformation of quantity to quality, in other words, for the revolution in social relationships which we aim for to be possible, the conditions for such a revolution must be generated through progressive piecemeal change in all areas of society, economic, ideological, political — that is. they must be generated through reform. Unless the word “revolution” is aligned with such a conception, it is, obviously, a meaningless abstract. Yet your paper comes close to using the word “revolution” in this way in its attitude towards reformist proposals and any avowed socialists who advocate reform, like Tony Benn.

You may say your mistrust of Labour Party “reformists” is justified in the light of experience but your attitude towards figures like Benn topples over into ignorant dismissal of practical socialist reforms.

Your treatment of the Glasgow Media Group’s third report was an illustration of the poverty of this attitude. Their theme is the formation of consciousness — a central concern of your paper and one fundamental to the class struggle. It surely merited more detailed attention. It was declared to have “some value” but presumably because its compilers asked for reforms instead of calling for the Socialist Party to lead us to revolution, it was given short shrift.

This wholesale refusal to sympathise at least in part with other avowed socialists and to deny them serious critical attention can do no good, and to completely alienate your paper from reformist ideas is not socialist but reactionary, sectarian and damaging to your objectives.
James Daly 
Glasgow


Reply:
James Daly has misread the passage in the October Socialist Standard (p. 198 — reply to letter from Chris Cooke), which did not say that reforms have no effect except to worsen workers' conditions but that reformism has this effect — in this case, specifically the Right to Work Campaign.

Of course some reforms (although not by far as many as the reformists say) benefit the working class. Workers must constantly struggle against the inroads which capitalism threatens to make into their standards and to improve those standards, for example by class conscious trade union action. Socialists recognise that the freedom to discuss ideas and to form political parties is vital to the working class and to the existence of a socialist party. This cannot be said about the Right to Work Campaign, which can only divert workers’ energies away from the struggle for that ultimate “reform" — the radical solution to all the problems the reformists claim to deal with — of establishing socialism. If the object of that Campaign were to be achieved, the only result would be that more workers would be exploited in employment than is the case at present. Is that supposed to be a change towards socialism?

Workers should realise that, whatever reforms they may accept, they will not remove the basis of capitalism's problems and that the problems, in one form or another, will therefore continue. Anything which delays the establishment of socialism amounts to a worsening of working class conditions, to more intense exploitation. to ever more fearsome weapons of war.

There is no evidence to support the argument that every reform is a quantitative change and that when there have been enough of these they will amass into a qualitative change in society. The history of reformism shows that it confuses workers; it persuades them that they should use their political power to opt for reforming capitalism. in the belief that this society can be reformed out of its basic character. This amounts to an argument for the delay of socialism, when all facts point to the conclusion that socialism is an immediate need. Socialism cannot happen by capitalism being reformed out of existence; it will happen through the act of a politically aware working class who understand that only socialism can set up a world based on production for human need and free access.

Our review of Really Bad News (October Socialist Standard, p. 197) was in fact an example of socialist critical attention; we recognised the merits of the Glasgow Media Group but also its limitations. How else should we deal with such groups? We apply the same style to that prominent member of the capitalist Labour Party, that man who has willingly served as a member of Labour governments which have run capitalism — Tony Benn. We have published much material in these columns, exposing Benn as another supporter of capitalism and there is no point in repeating any of it here, save to say that we don’t simply make assertions on the matter; we back our arguments up with evidence such as Benn's own words. It is people like James Daly, who persist, despite all the evidence, in their faith that Benn is a socialist who are reactionary, sectarian and damaging to the objective of the establishment of socialism.
Editors.

Letter: Attractive Outsiders (1983)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

Dear Editors,

I am attracted to the SPGB as an alternative to left wing parties that suggest everyone has the "right to work", that the Soviet Union is potentially less harmful than America, that support the IRA, that want to gain power for ultimately financial reasons, etc. Trendy students wearing lapel badges and make-up (if male) who advocate the slaughter of everyone whose house is larger than their own (while “actively" backing Lord Stansgate for "President") have laughably shallow conviction and false opinions.

I have never dreamed of aligning myself with a political party before now, because I have wanted nothing to do with boosting the egos and wage packets of those who pretend to have a "social conscience”. Because the SPGB works outside the current political arena, I would like to know more. Your principles and object, as stated, have set me thinking, and these arc the questions which spring to mind regarding SPGB policy:
  • Is the SPGB an idealist organisation?
  • Even in an ideal world, how could the Irish problem be resolved?
  • By "entering the field of political action’’ would the SPGB be creating a revolution, fighting an election, or theorising in TV debates?
  • In the SPGB’s socialist world, who would live in the biggest houses?
  • What would happen if someone rejected the socialist work ethic to the extent of refusing to "work to his own capability”?
  • How docs socialism differ from theoretical communism?
  • And anarchist libertarianism?
  • In a society without currency, how could greed and jealousy be eradicated?
Yours in good spirit.
Derek Hammond 
Birmingham
(This letter has been slightly abridged - Editors)


Reply:
The SPGB is a party made up exclusively of conscious socialists. We have no leaders and any member who does a job for the party (like editing the Socialist Standard) does so as a delegate, under the vigilant control of the membership. So there are no careers to be made in the SPGB - and no careerists.

We are in fact in the political arena but we are hostile to all other parties. We aim at the capture of political power and, when we can afford it in terms of money and member power, we contest elections. The SPGB won’t create a revolution; we are the political instrument which the working class will use. when they understand socialism, to establish the new society. At that point the world's socialist parties will cease to exist, for with the establishment of a classless society political parties will be made redundant. So the SPGB will never "take power".

Socialists are materialists; we reject all religious, idealist theories and instead interpret human affairs by reference to the prevailing mode of wealth production. That is the basis of social ideas and morals, and not the other way around. We don’t regard some ideas as "bad" and others as "good". We don't think capitalism is "immoral", only that it has been an essential phase in historical development, that it has now outlived its usefulness and operates against human interests. It must be abolished, if humanity is to progress.

Socialists don’t set out to solve the "Irish problem" in isolation, nor any other of the conflicts and crises of property society. The roots of the Irish conflict lie, typically, in a ruling class dispute over which group of robbers should have the right to exploit the human labour power and the natural resources of the place. The bigotries which — again typically — were stimulated by each side in this struggle have now virtually taken over to the point at which the original conflict has become obscured. Socialism will have no class division, no class interests, no religious bigotries, no unnatural national barriers; problems like the conflict in Ireland simply won’t happen because they won't be able to.

In socialism all people will have free access to however much wealth they need — or want — to consume. There will be no class or individual ownership of wealth so no one will think in terms of “my" house or "your" car; such words will be meaningless. If someone wants or needs to live in a bigger house there is no reason why this should not happen; people will have all sorts of preferences and socialism will not have artificial barriers of property to prevent them being realised. In such a social system there will also be no concepts like greed and jealousy, which again are based in the restrictions and inequalities of a property society. There will also, of course, be no such concept as generosity, which again springs from a society which denies access to wealth to the majority of people.

Socialism will be an extremely hard working society. Under the incentive of contributing to the common good, all humans will co-operate happily and productively. If there are a few who need or desire to stand outside the general satisfaction at doing useful work they will present socialist society with no problem; the choice will be theirs. They will, simply, be carried by the rest of society and have the same free access to society’s goods as the rest (even capitalism can carry millions of people who do no productive work, like bank clerks, salespeople, soldiers, judges, lawyers . . .)

The socialist movement is a political organisation with the object of capturing power over the state machine to use it to establish another social system. That is very different from the fragmented idea of the anarchist. Socialism and communism are words with the same meaning but we obviously don’t need to tell Derek Hammond that the so-called communist countries are in fact capitalist states and have absolutely nothing to do with socialism.
Editors.

50 Years Ago: Monetary Policy No Cure
 For Unemployment (1983)

The 50 Years Ago column from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The Socialist Programme, published by the Independent Labour Party in November 1923. tells us that
general unemployment has nothing to do with tariffs or free trade. It is determined by the monetary policy pursued by a country and not by its tariff policy.
So they looked round to see if they could find some countries pursuing an ILP monetary policy: and sure enough they found several.
That is shown by the fact of unemployment in the world today. There is none to speak of in France and Belgium, very little in Italy, nor has there been ever since the war. Why? Because the Government and central banks of those countries have never restricted credit and thus destroyed the purchasing power of a large part of their population.
America, according to the ILP. was not merely perfect, it was better than perfect; not only no unemployment, but a shortage of labour.
The banks have lent freely, and there is now an actual shortage of labour . . . There is no unemployment and no depression in the United States today.
The ILP was. of course, largely wrong about its facts and wholly wrong about the effects of applying its capitalist credit theories. In due course they had to admit this, and a writer in the New Leader said of the American banking system:
I gather from some enquiries that we in England have gravely overestimated the scientific work of this banking organisation.
(BrailsfordNew Leader 28 February 1928)

(From article "Lands Without Unemployment" — Socialist Standard. January 1933)

Monday, January 22, 2024

Lenin's Distortion of Marxism (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The greatest single movement to confuse and distort the ideas of Marxism has been Leninism. The false assertion that Russia. China, Kampuchea, Albania et al are examples of Marxism in practice is not only a distortion of the works of Marx, but is a means of discrediting the socialist objective. To support the revolutionary socialist aim of Marxism is to oppose fundamentally the Bolshevik outlook of Lenin; the absurd ideological construction of Marxist-Leninism is as meaningful as Christian-Atheism or Conservative-Radicalism.

Apart from the Socialist Party of Great Britain, virtually all of the parties, groups and factions which claim to be Marxists would also claim to be Leninists. In fact, they are Leninists and as such they are not only opponents of Marxism, but enemies of the socialist objective. Of course, most of the members have not read the forty-two volumes of Lenin's collected works — they have probably not even come across the statements from Lenin which are quoted in this article. It is not against workers who have misguidedly joined the ranks of the Leninist Left that this article is directed, but against Leninism as an anti-socialist dogma which must be rejected before working class political consciousness can be achieved.

To understand the basic opposition between Marxism and Leninism it is necessary to make clear what it means to be a Marxist. Starting from the recognition that there is nothing inevitable about the chaotic mess which the world is in. Marxists reject the myth that the horrifying social problems of capitalism, such as mass poverty and war and starvation, must always exist: the narrow conservatism which claims that there is no alternative to the perverse “civilisation” of the bomb and the dole queue is dismissed on the grounds that all things change; social arrangements, however ‘natural' they may seem to be, do not remain static. The Marxist outlook presupposes that the social problems which upset the lives of the mass of humanity today are not caused by inefficient governments or weaknesses of ‘human nature’; their cause is the social system of capitalism, where wealth is produced for sale on the market with a view to profit rather than for human needs. The Marxist analysis of capitalism points to the existence of two great classes: the capitalists, who possess but do not produce, and the workers, who produce but do not possess. Capitalism and its attendant problems can only be destroyed by conscious working class action. Marxism is a theory of class struggle: the abolition of the profit system was not posed by Marx as an appealing moral ideal, but as the only class interest of the majority class in the society — the workers. It is fundamental to Marxism that only the workers can solve our own problems:
The emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class themselves. (Marx, preamble to the Rules of the First International. )
Marx had no doubt that workers could enact our own class emancipation. Allied to the struggle to end capitalism. Marxism is concerned with the struggle to establish the next stage of human history: socialism or communism. For Marx the two terms meant exactly the same thing. What do Marxists mean by socialism or communism? A system of society based on the common ownership and democratic control of the means of producing and distributing wealth — factories, offices, mines, docks, farms. Common ownership does not mean state ownership: the state is the executive committee of the capitalist class and when wealth is commonly owned there can be no classes and therefore no state. For convenience, we may summarise the principles of Marxism as follows:
  1. That change is constant and present conditions (capitalism) are not inevitable.
  2. That capitalism is the cause of social problems today.
  3. That workers can and must emancipate ourselves by taking conscious political action to end the profit system.
  4. That socialism/communism is an objective worth working for because it will mean the rational utilisation of the earth's resources for the use of the earth's inhabitants.
Marxists may be wrong in holding these principles: if so, the opponents of Marxism are keeping conspicuously quiet about it. Instead of applying their ‘‘talents" to producing a convincing critique of Marxism, the avowed opponents of Marxism spend their energies and money on the far easier task of attacking the theory of Leninism. In so doing they win millions of workers to the cause of anti-Marxism. Professional anti-Marxists refer to “Marxist Russia”. Why shouldn't they — after all, according to the Communist Party of Great Britain,
Today socialism is a reality for all to see. Countries with a population of hundreds of millions are socialist states. (The British Road to Socialism)
The media refers to a “Marxist government" in Poland which locks up trade unionists — and a “Marxist President" in Zimbabwe who has declared strikes illegal — and “Marxist" tendencies in the Labour Party which operate in secret and devote their political energies to revolutionary exercises like threatening to take the NEC to Court. The media did not invent these pseudo-Marxists. Neither did they invent Stalin or Budapest in 1956 or Prague in 1968 or Gdansk more recently. How are workers expected to respond to such examples of Leninism, presented in the name of Marxism? Understandably, for very many workers Marxism is a dirty word: talk to them about what Marxism and socialism really mean and, quite understandably, they will tell you that Marxism sounds alright in theory, but. . .

As soon as we begin to compare the ideas of Lenin the Bolshevik with those of Marx the socialist it becomes clear that Leninism has been tried and failed, while Marxism is still a method of social analysis and change which is of immense value to the working class.

It cannot be over-emphasised that for Marx socialist revolution meant working class self-emancipation. Socialism could not be established for the workers by a party or an advanced minority. Previous, capitalist revolutions could not be looked to as models for socialist revolution; as Marx wrote in The Communist Manifesto
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority in the interests of the immense majority.
Note the emphases: self-conscious — carried out by men and women who are not mere followers, but who know what they want and know how to get it; independent — a movement for workers of workers; immense majority — it must involve most workers. Lenin fundamentally rejected the idea of working class self-emancipation:
Socialist consciousness cannot exist among the workers. This can tie introduced only from without. (What Is To Be Done?)
According to Lenin, the “immense majority" simply “cannot” become “self-conscious”; they would have to wait for such consciousness to be brought to them "from without”, from the Bolshevik vanguard or the CP or the SWP or the IMG or the WRP or some other band of arrogant leaders who think that they have acquired knowledge about society which the rest of the working class “cannot” understand. Rejecting Marx’s idea of an independent movement of a majority of class conscious workers, Lenin advocated “revolutionary leadership":
If Socialism can only he developed when the intellectual development of all the people permits it. then we shall not see socialism for at least five hundred years. The Socialist political party, which is the vanguard of the working class, must not allow itself to be halted by the lack of education of the mass average, but must lead the masses . . . (Lenin at the Congress of Peasants’ Soviets, 1918)
We do not need to guess about what Marx’s response would have been to such arrogant political talk; in Marx's day there were just the same kind of would-be leaders hanging around the German Socialist Workers’ Party this is what he said of them:
We cannot . . . co-operate with people who openly state that the workers are too uneducated to emancipate themselves and must be freed from above . . . (Marx/Engels, Circular letter to German socialists, 1875.)
“People’s Tsarism”
The seizure of power by the Bolshevik minority in October 1917 turned Leninism from an ideology into a political regime. The failure of the Bolsheviks to establish socialism “from above" was inevitable because the material conditions did not exist in Russia to allow anything but capitalism to develop. The Leninists called their dictatorship of the party a dictatorship of the proletariat. The modern Leninists have followed them in this mythology; for example, a pamphlet entitled The Struggle for Socialism (sold by the Socialist Workers’ Party) misinforms its readers that
For the first time in history the majority of the population democratically ruled and working people themselves determined their own future and destiny.
If this statement were true, then it would be rather perverse that “working people", having acquired the power to determine “their own future and destiny” should have decided (democratically, no doubt) that what they would like more than anything else would be to live under a one-party dictatorship. The Bolshevik Zinoviev who, unlike the fantasists of the SWP was actually in Russia at the time, was rather more candid about the nature of "Bolshevik democracy":
We have 500,000 Party members who manage the entire state machine from top to bottom.
Half a million out of one hundred and thirty million ran Russia from top to bottom and the SWP claim that “the majority of the population democratically ruled". Lenin also was quite open about the minority revolution of the Bolsheviks:
Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Tsarism dominated the 130 million Russian peasants, so 20,000 members of the Bolshevik party are imposing their proletarian will on the mass, but this time in the interests of the latter. (Lenin, The New International, April, 1918.)
But Tsarism did not pretend to be socialism; the massive distortion of Leninism was that it continued the undemocratic forms of Tsarism, claiming that this was socialism. So far did the distortion go that Lenin was even able to write that
There is . . . absolutely no contradiction . . . between Soviet (that is, socialist) democracy and the exercise of dictatorial powers by individuals.
The Communist parties of the world, which were set up in response to the Bolshevik success, exist to defend the Leninist distortion of Marxism and socialism. Just as the Tories in Britain defend the mighty power of capital as being a "property-owning democracy", so the Russian nationalists of the CP regard the tyranny of the CPSU as being “socialism for all to see". In fact, all that they are defending is the class power of the "Communist" bureaucratic elite.

The Leninists of today are not content to defend the awful monument to Bolshevism which exists in Russia and China; they still maintain that the old Bolshevik methods of minority action present the only serious strategy for establishing socialism. According to the SWP.
the form of government adopted by the Russian workers over half a century ago has . . . been successfully applied by every revolutionary workers' movement since 1917. (The Struggle for Socialism)
The present writer wrote over three years ago to ask the SWP for information about where these successful revolutions have taken place; the “vanguard” has yet to reply.

The Leninist distortion of Marxism is not only a matter of strategy; it is often said that "you socialists are all after the same basic thing, but you go different ways about getting it”. In one sense this is true, insofar as most workers on the Left do want a society where the problems of capitalism no longer exist. But then, so do most vicars and most boy scouts and most of the workers who oppose Marxism. Unity of sentiment is one thing; unity of political consciousness is another. In fact, most Leninists would pay lip service to the Objects of the SPGB, but spend their time advocating the absurd Leninist conception of socialism. According to Lenin, socialism means capitalism run in the interest of the exploited class:
We are for . . . regulation of production and distribution in the interests of the poor, the toilers and the exploited against the exploiters.
If, under Leninist rule, the exploited are going to regulate affairs in their own class interest, “against the exploiters", then one is left wondering why those who are regulating things continue allowing the exploiters to go on exploiting their masters. If the poor are to be powerful, why are they still the poor? There are a number of workers in Russia asking just such questions. According to Lenin’s Orwellian logic, socialism is “nothing else but a monopoly of state capitalism instituted for the benefit of all the people”. (Lenin, Collected Works. Vol. 26, p-.26I.) In short, Leninists advocate state possession of the productive and distributive machinery, as opposed to common ownership and democratic control.

Leninists become very upset when their pseudo-socialist nations are exposed as being state capitalist. The Leninists should read Lenin and they would discover that capitalism was his objective:
. . . state capitalism would be a step forward . . . If in approximately six months' time state capitalism became established in our Republic, this would be a great success and a sure guarantee that within a year socialism will have gained a permanently firm hold . . . (The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It)
Leninists today advocate schemes for nationalisation in the name of Marxism. State capitalism and private capitalism are two sides of the same capitalist coin.

That Lenin distorted Marxism is beyond question. It is not with academic enthusiasm that Marxists expose this distortion; to us, political knowledge is power and confusion can serve to set the struggle back by years. Marxists are hostile to the reactionary political theory of Leninism for, by employing the rhetoric of socialism it serves as a fraudulent defence for the state capitalist tyrannies which oppress millions of workers in our age. If in the year which marks the hundredth anniversary of Marx’s death we can succeed in clearing the confusion of Leninism from the working class movement we will have achieved a major step forward in the struggle for majority socialist understanding.
Steve Coleman


Blogger's Note:
Mark Shipway, from the Council Communist group Wildcat, replied to this article in the April 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard.

Correction (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

With reference to "added value" (in the article "Promised Land" last month) it should be pointed out that this is the total new wealth created by the workers in the productive process. This is then divided into the wages and salaries paid to workers, and the surplus value received and accumulated by the capitalist class.
Editors.

SPGB Meetings (1983)

Party News from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard



A recording of Eddie Grant's meeting 'Are world unity and cultural diversity compatible?' - from the SPGB's Socialism as a Practical Alternative Weekend School - is available at the following link.

Monday, November 20, 2017

Letter From Europe: Wage-freeze in France (1983)

The Letter From Europe column from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The (total) wage and (partial) price freeze imposed by the French government following the devaluation of the franc last June came to an end on 1 November. Since the government had expected prices to rise by at least 2.7 per cent during the freeze in other words, it believed the real purchasing power of wages would fall by this amount the 1.5 per cent increase is being heralded as a success.

In fact however this slow-down in the rise in the general price level was due more to the current world depression than to the French government’s price controls, as is shown by the fact that over the same period prices rose by less in Britain and Germany.

As far as the general price level is concerned, two contradictory factors are now at work in all countries: first, there is the continuing inflation of inconvertible paper currencies which exerts an upward pressure, and then there is the world depression which exerts a downward pressure. In the 19th century, when the value of money was relatively stable, the general price level still tended to rise in times of boom (through demand for goods tending to exceed supply) and to fall in times of slump (through supply tending to exceed demand).

This latter downward movement has not ceased to operate, but it has tended to be obscured by the inflationary monetary policies pursued by nearly all governments since the beginning of the second world war. Due to the overissue of paper currencies. the general price level has continued to rise even in slumps, a phenomenon which has been dubbed “stagflation” or “slumpflation”. Nowadays the depressing effect of a slump on the price level is only discernible in the slowing down of the rate of price rises. Such a slowing-down has become particularly noticeable over the last six months or so. enabling both Thatcher in Britain and Mitterrand in France to claim the credit for something for which they are not in the least responsible.

The other result of a slump is falling real wages — what wages will buy in relation to the prices of consumer goods. In the present era of chronic inflation, this does not necessarily involve a fall in money wages (though this can happen, and has been happening). Real wages fall also if money wages increase less than the increase in consumer prices. This has been happening for some time in Britain, where trade unions have had to settle for wage increases below the rate of inflation. The recent government-imposed wage freeze in France has had the same result.

During the four-month period of the wage freeze, not only did prices rise by 1.5 per cent, representing an equivalent cut in the real purchasing power of wage and salary earners, but any rises under previously negotiated agreements due during this period were banned by law from being paid.

Naturally the employers were the last to complain about this since both the decrease in real purchasing power (from their point of view, a decrease in real wages costs) and the non-payment of contracted wage increases meant an increase in their profits. In other words, the money lost by the workers went into the pockets of the employers.

The government claimed at the time it introduced the wage and (partial) price freeze that this was part of a necessary national effort in face of the crisis, but the Minister of the Economy, Jacques Delors. has recently disclosed that the real aim was to increase profits. In a speech to the congress of a catholic employers’ organisation called “Ethic" on 26 October, apart from announcing that the minimum wage would not be increased as much in 1982 as originally promised (which attracted most of the publicity), he also spoke about the investment problems of private capitalist firms:
Gross operating revenues have fallen for the last three years to such levels that enterprises no longer have the minimum margin of self-financing to allow them to ensure a balanced financing of their investments (Républican Lorrain, 28 October).
"Gross operating revenues" (revenus bruts d'exploitation) is a term used by accountants to refer to the income of enterprises over a given period, normally a year, over and above their production costs but before payment of taxes, social insurance contributions. interest charges and dividends. In other words, gross profits.

After complaining, then, that these gross profits were not high enough. Delors went on:
A recovery of the gross operating revenues of enterprises is needed to restore a dynamism to our economy, and without a minimum of transfers of the national wealth to these gross revenues the minimum conditions for investment will not be met (our emphasis).
“National wealth" is a vague term, but what Delors has in mind is the "gross national product” (GNP), or the total amount of new wealth produced in a year before deduction of that used to renew used-up fixed capital. But the wealth newly-produced in a year only has two elements: the gross operating revenues of enterprises and the wages of productive workers. Clearly then, the wealth Delors wants to transfer to gross profits can only come out of that currently going to workers as wages. Which is precisely what the four-month wages freeze achieved. Indeed, the real reason for the freeze is quite clear: to decrease wages so as to allow enterprises to make bigger profits.

Although the wages freeze ended on 1 November, government-backed wage restraint is to continue until at least the end of 1983. The government has set the target for price rises in 1983 at “only” 8 per cent and has proclaimed this as the limit too for wages increases this year, though it is allowing provision to be made for additional increases negotiated in January 1984 if in the end prices rise by more than this limit. As has frequently happened in Britain under similar circumstances, it is civil servants and workers in the nationalised industries who have been the first victims of this policy of wage restraint, a case of the government as employer setting an example to private employers. One of the “benefits” of nationalisation (or state capitalism) that its advocates forgot to mention to workers in newly-nationalised industries?

We have even been treated to the spectacle of one group of employers, those in the sugar-beet industry, being told by a government composed of "socialists" and “communists" that an agreement under which wages were automatically linked to rises in the cost of living and which they had been applying for some years was illegal and should not be applied either for 1982 or for 1983. The PS/PC government unearthed a statutory order dating from 1959 declaring such indexing illegal, even though such agreements, which provide workers with a minimum protection from the effects of inflation, have in fact been widely applied in France in recent years. The government's invoking of this order now is yet another proof of their intention to reduce the real purchasing power of wages and salaries.

This blatantly anti-working class policy pursued by an allegedly socialist/communist government merely confirms that it is not possible to run capitalism in the interest of the working class and that any party which tries to do so is bound to end up running capitalism in the only way it can—as a profit-making system in the interest of those who live off profits derived from their monopoly over the means of production.
Adam Buick
(Luxemburg)