Monday, January 6, 2025

Answers to a correspondent: Marx and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. (1946)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard

Marx and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

A reader of the Socialist Standard (W.D.B., Cardiff) criticises the S.P.G.B.'s attitude to Dictatorship and to the problem of distribution immediately after the abolition of capitalism. On dictatorship he writes:—
"I find that the S.P.G.B. does not attempt to deal with Marx’s and Engels’ repeated references to the 'dictatorship of the proletariat' (see Marx-Engels correspondence, pages 57, 337, 484, and 'Critique of the Gotha Programme' p. 28), nor does it attempt to reconcile this conception with its own conception of 'democracy.’ " 
Our critic, who says he has been a reader for two years, is correct to the extent that this question has not been dealt with during that period, but in earlier years it has been dealt with repeatedly. For example, it was dealt with in the following issues: June and September, 1932; December, 1936; August, 1937 and January, 1938.

Limitations of space prevent us from dealing with it again at length, but our position can be made sufficiently clear by the following points.

While we are opposed to the Communist Party's distortion of the term dictatorship of the proletariat, we are in agreement with Marx’s and Engels' view. Engels in his 1891 introduction to the German edition of "Civil War in France," wrote: —
"The German philistine has lately been thrown once again into wholesome paroxisms by the expression 'dictatorship of the proletariat.' Well, gentle sirs, would you like to know how this dictatorship looks? Then look at the Paris Commune. That was the dictatorship of the proletariat."
(See translation published by the New York Labour News Co. in a pamphlet called "The Paris Commune.") 
The Commune was an instance of majority control based upon democratic elections. There was no suppression of newspapers or of the propaganda of the minority, and no denial of their right to vote. This is markedly different from the Communist Party dictatorship in Russia to-day, where opposition political parties and newspapers are forbidden. The Communist Party is the only political party that may nominate candidates. For what it is worth non-political organisations, trade unions, co-operatives, cultural Societies, etc., are allowed to nominate candidates under the Election Regulations, but the same regulations provide that the nominations have to be approved by the election commissions. (See "Regulations Governing Elections," published by Soviet News, 23rd October, 1945.) The Central Election Commission, which has the final decision if appeal is made against the rejection of nominees by lower commissions (see article 67), is appointed from above by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet and of its membership of 15, five are from Communist organisations pnd five from trade unions. All, of course, are from officially approved bodies only.

Distribution immediately after the abolition of capitalism. 
Our critic’s second point is:—
"The S.P.G.B. totally ignores the passages in the 'Critique of Gotha Programme' wherein Marx states, 'What we have to deal with is a communist society, not as it has developed on its own foundations, but, on the contrary, as it emerges from capitalist society; which is thus in every respect, economically, morally and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it has emerged. Accordingly the individual producer receives back from society exactly what he gives to it. . . . He receives a certificate from society that he has furnished such and such an amount of labour (after deducting his labour for the common fund), and with this certificate he draws from the social stock of means of consumption as much as costs the same amount of labour.' "
Our critic goes on to quote from Marx's "Critique on the Gotha Programme" that passage in which Marx says that it will be later on, "in a higher phase of communist society," that society will inscribe on its banners, "From each according to his needs," and adds: "The contrast between Marx's views on the nature of Socialism (or Communism) and those expressed in the Socialist Standard is so glaring that I am quite unable to reconcile them.”

Again our critic is in error. The question which, according to him, the S.P.G.B. totally ignores, was dealt with fully in the issue for August, 1936, to which he and other interested readers are referred. The article dealt with Marx's views, the distortion of those views by the Communists, and their applicability under the altered conditions of to-day. 70 years after Marx wrote.

It is not clear from our critic’s letter exactly in what respects he thinks that the S.P.G.B.'s attitude on this point glaringly contrasts with the attitude of Marx. If he will be more explicit his criticism will be dealt with.
Ed. Comm.

Letter: The compensation of Bank of England stockholders (1946)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard
(We have received from a correspondent the following letter, which we consider will be of interest to our readers.— Ed. Comm.)
Sir,—A few facts regarding the compensation terms given to Bank of England stockholders might be of interest to your readers. The unit of Bank of England stock is £100. It was quoted on the Stock Exchange recently at £382. Stockholders have been receiving 12 per cent during the past 20 years. The Labour Government proposes to give stockholders, in exchange for their Bank stock, four £100 units of Government stock, equal to £400 for each unit of Bank stock. This new stock will have the guarantee of the State behind it. At 3 per cent. the Government stock will give the same return as Bank of England stock, namely, 12 per cent. The new stock is redeemable in 1966 at the option of the Government. I have found; Mr. Editor, that many Labour Party supporters conclude that at the end of 20 years the stock will be cancelled without the stockholders receiving anything in return. This, of course, is not the case. It is not surprising that such a misconception should have arisen. Several Labour journals did not appear over anxious to explain the details of the compensation terms. Journals devoted to the interests of investors appear to have been more liberal in giving details of the compensation terms. For example, the following appeared in the "Investors' Chronicle," 13th October, 1945, page 444: "So far as holders of Bank stock are concerned, in the circumstances of the case the provisions are satisfactory. They will receive £400 of 3 per cent. Government stock for each £100 of Bank stock. They will have the same gross income as they had before. . . . But the new Government security is not redeemable till 1966, and then the redemption is optional. . . . In other words, present Bank stock looks as though it is worth little short of £400 on the compensation terms. On news of the terms. Bank stock rose to a record level of 390-395."

It seems clear that the redemption terms mean that in 20 years' time, if the stock is redeemed, the stockholders receive roughly £400 for each unit of Bank stock formerly held. Should redemption not take place in 1966, then the stockholders continue to draw their usual 12 per cent, until the stock is redeemed.

Hoping the above facts will be given wide publicity, and thereby help to remove a misconception from the minds of many well-meaning supporters of the Labour Party.
Yours, etc.,
D. A. (Glasgow).

The crime wave (1946)

From the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard

New York.
"The long-predicted post-war crime wave is beginning to make itself felt throughout America. Not only have murders increased, but there has been a sharp increase in bank robberies for the first time in almost 12 years."—(Report from New York. Evening Standard, 4th December, 1945.)

London.
" C.I.D. to round up 9,000 deserters. Biggest crime wave since 1919."—(Headlines in Daily Telegraph, 10th December, 1945.)

Moscow.
“Armed military police are patrolling the Moscow streets as part of the action taken by the Soviet authorities to stamp out a post-war crime wave in the capital. Additional police are on duty at night."—(Report from Moscow. News Chronicle, 28th November, 1945.)

The nationalisation of mining royalties (1946)

From the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard

Another Great Labour Party Victory
"Six property owners have been paid more than £1,000,000 each by the State for the coal which lies beneath their estates The long campaign to nationalise these coal royalties ended yesterday with the report of the Coal Commissioners. . . . . At the time of the Sankey Commission . . . the most extensive royalty owners . . . were the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Bate, Lord Tredegar, the Duke of Hamilton and the Earl of Ellesmere." "In addition to the four unnamed owners who got more than a million, six received from £500,000 to £1,000,000 each and twenty-eight between £250,000 and £499,000. More than 11,000 claimants had less than £1,000 each. More than 2,400 got nothing."—(Daily Express, October 31st, 1945.)

Which shows that nationalisation with compensation does not even change the personnel—the individual relationships of the capitalist class.

Nationalisation without compensation would still not be in the "public service"; it would merely transfer ownership from its previous owners to the investors in Government (State) Bonds.

Socialism is a change in social relationships; the abolition of the rich, and therefore, its counterpart, the poor—the workers. It transforms relationships by changing ownership. Private ownership becomes common ownership.

Socialism does not haggle about compensation or confiscation; both terms imply some injury is done the capitalists.

Socialism stands for restoration of the wealth produced to the producers—the workers; about nine-tenths of the people.
Horatio.

Work directions to stay (1946)

From the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard

In reply to a question in the House of Commons, Mr. Isaacs, Minister of Labour, stated that he could not accept the suggestion that the Essential Work Order had outlived its usefulness. "While there may be one or two isolated instances of difficulty, in the main it is still very valuable to industry, too valuable to abandon." (Evening Standard, November 27th, 1945.)

As industry is still owned by the capitalists, what this amounts to is that direction of the workers is being continued for the time being in order to benefit the capitalists.

What an admission from a "Labour" Government. But not surprising to Socialists, who have consistently pointed out the anti-working-class policies to which the Labour Party commits itself through accepting the responsibility of running capitalism.
R. M.

"Socialism" for the City (1946)

From the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard
"Little did I ever dream that I should live to see the City Fathers cheer a Chancellor of the Exchequer who had recently introduced a Budget on behalf of a Socialist Government that had achieved Power!

"Yet this happened yesterday when, before the Mansion House luncheon, the new Lord Mayor of London greeted, one after another, Morrison, Dalton,, Bevin and Bevan, Shinwell, Jowitt, Lawson, and the rest, and, finally, Attlee and his wife.

"None had a better reception that did Hugh Dalton!

" 'A Socialist Budget would ruin the City,' we have always been told. Actually, the City applauded it!"
— (Hannen Swaffer, Daily Herald, 10th November, 1945.)

Donations to Party Funds (1946)

Party News from the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard


SPGB Meetings (1946)

Party News from the January 1946 issue of the Socialist Standard