Friday, February 7, 2025

Slavery and History. The Evolution of Subjugated Labour. (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

The essential characteristics of slavery are, we find, human subjection to and labour for the profit of masters. When man’s labour produces more than is indispensable for his maintenance, slavery is born. Prisoners of war, instead of being killed and eaten, or simply killed, are kept alive in order that they may work for their captors. Thus slavery is unknown to the more primitive folk of the savage, hunting stage. As defined, however, it is found wide-spread among peoples of a higher development, and passes historically through innumerable modifications. Nevertheless, three leading forms successively mark the course of later social evolution, namely, chattel-slavery, serfdom, and wage-labour; for the latter comes well within the definition.

We are well aware that the popular notions on slavery, and, indeed, those fostered by capitalist journalism, are mostly confined to an acquaintance with “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” Herbert Spencer’s view of the matter may, therefore, well be quoted as showing the far wider scope of the institutions. He says, (Vol. 3, p. 456, Prim. Soc.),
“The current assumption is that of necessity a slave is a down-trodden being, subject to unlimited labour and great hardship ; whereas in many cases he is well cared for, not overworked, and leniently treated. Assuming slaves everywhere to have ideas of liberty like our own, we suppose them to be intolerant of despotic control: whereas their subjection is sometimes so little onerous that they jeer at those of their race who have no masters. Assuming that their feelings are such as we should have under the same circumstances, we regard them as unhappy ; whereas they are often more light-hearted than their superiors. Again, when we contrast the slave with the free man, we think of the last as his own master ; whereas very generally, surrounding conditions exercise over him a mastery more severe and unpitying than that exercised over the slave by his owner : nature’s coercion is often worse than man’s coercion.”
Spencer had to make out that the subjection of the wage-workers to the capitalist class is simply “nature’s coercion,” but otherwise his view is quite acceptable.

In offering our fellow workers some information on the condition of their historical forebears, we shall, true to the materialist conception of scientific Socialism, see in the evolution of slavery, not the idealist’s progress of ideas out of ideas, independently of material conditions, from earlier cruelty to later gentleness, but simply a reflex of the movement and progress of productive methods. A remodelling of institutions not according to heaven-sent aspirations, high ideals and “moral” religions of Greek, Mahometan and Christian, but as the further expansion of economic forces required.

The earlier written histories describe the Mediterranean and North European peoples as being, many of them, advanced to the threshold of civilisation, and still organised by kinship in contradistinction to organisation according to the territory inhabited; some living largely by agriculture, and others, like the Semitic tribes of Western Asia and Northern Africa, a pastoral, nomadic life. Private property was accumulating amongst them, even to the land itself in some cases, while domestic animals, cattle, goats, and so forth, were such everywhere. It is above all upon this new factor that depends the subsequent history of civilised peoples, including the evolution of slavery. Military raids were frequent, and provided conquerors with plunder, more fertile lands, and, above all, with prisoners, who were made to tend the cattle, or to do the more laborious work of the fields. At a later stage the ranks of slavery were swelled by poor citizens or tribesmen selling their children, and even themselves, into bondage in payment of debt. The book of Leviticus hands down to us the rules for the treatment of both the “stranger” and Hebrew bondsmen.

Greece.
Some of the Grecian tribes when they conquered a neighbouring people simply bound these to the soil and compelled them to bring to their conquerors a certain fixed part of their produce, leaving their family institutions untouched, and even allowing them to accumulate property. Thus, amongst others, the Spartans held their helots ; and indeed, much of the military organisation of the former was required to keep the helots in subjection, for they long retained the memory of their free condition.

In Attica and Corinth, the distinctly commercial states, however, great numbers of chattel-slaves, largely barbarians, were held and exchanged. “At the time of the greatest prosperity the whole number of free Athenian citizens, women and children included, amounted to about 90,000 ; the slaves of both sexes numbered 305,000 and the aliens foreigners and freed slaves—45,000.” (“Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State,” by F. Engels.) Slaves furnished all kinds of useful labour. Many were in domestic service, others were cooks, bakers, tailors, miners, labourers on agricultural estates, seamen, oarsmen, etc., while the State had slaves for soldiers, and even policemen. “The free Athenian regarded this police duty as so degrading that he preferred being arrested by an armed slave rather than lending himself to such an ignominous service.” (Engels.) In Greece, although their condition underwent important changes, the slaves were mildly treated, and enjoyed considerable legal protection. Slaves came increasingly to acquire property rights and then, as Spencer has it, “the slave’s condition was much that of a freeman paying heavy taxes.” As to the outcome, Engels says that
“The great number of slaves is explained by the fact that many of them worked together in large factories under supervision. The development of commerce and industry brought about an accumulation and concentration of wealth in a few hands. The mass of the free citizens were impoverished and had to face the choice of either competing with their own labour against slave labour, which was considered ignoble and vile, besides promising little success, or to be ruined. Under the prevailing circumstances they necessarily chose the latter course, and being in the majority, they ruined the whole Attic State. Not democracy caused the downfall of Athens, as the European glorifiers of princes and lickspittle schoolmasters would have us believe, but slavery ostracizing the labour of the free citizen.”
Rome.
In the earlier period of Roman history the head of the family (paterfamilias) had full power of life and death over all the members of his household—wife, child, and chattel-slave—and all were treated in general with great rigour. Slaves when old or otherwise useless were often “exposed” to starve upon an island in the Tiber. Many servile revolts are recorded—some of them of formidable proportions. That under the gladiator Sparticus in 73 B.C. lasted over the course of three years, and was only suppressed by a mighty effort by the Roman State—and this in spite of the fatal lack of cohesion and discipline among the men, who in seeking their freedom could not escape the temptation to linger in Italy for the plunder of the cities.

Later, under the Emperors, multitudes of slaves were employed in the various mechanical arts, while the cruelty of the masters was restrained by law, and property might be acquired. Further, the continual warfare with its consequent strain of military service upon the citizens resulted in the impoverishment of the poorer of these, and their lands passing into the hands of a few great landholders. Agriculture became entirely a slave occupation, carried on upon great estates called latifundae ; a system that led to the depopulation of Italy and the extinction of any class capable of resisting the Imperial tyrants or the barbarian invaders who followed.

The attitude of Christianity towards slavery was, and is, well exhibited in the notion of St. John Chryostom, that the apostle did not insist on the suppression of slavery because it was desirable that men should see how truly the slave could enjoy liberty of soul—the slavery of sin being the only real slavery. Indeed, Christianity is quite innocent of the milder treatment of slaves during the later Roman period, or of the decline of chattel-slavery, for, as Spencer puts it, by the partial failure of the supply of slaves through conquest, “the Romans were obliged to have recourse to the milder but more tedious method of propagation ; and this improved the condition of the slave by rendering his existence and physical health an object of greater value to his master.” Negro slavery in America is fairly well known, and considerations of space prevent us from giving it special treatment here. However, it is well to mention that it arose in consequence of the great demand for agricultural labour there, of a kind suited to hot and damp climates. It received its great impetus from the invention of the cotton gin at the end of the eighteenth century, when cotton became definitely available for clothing in competition with wool and flax. The “peculiar” Southern institution was abolished only when it threatened to prevent the full expansion of normal capitalism based upon wage-labour ; and the clash of material interests there involved an expenditure of blood and treasure rarely matched in history.

Collapse of chattel-slavery.
Now while the Teutonic eruption all over the European portions of the Roman Empire brought with it its own, as yet but little developed, servile institutions, yet it is true that this famous period roughly marks the transition (amongst Western peoples) from personal to territorial slavery—from chattel-slavery to serfdom. The steady degradation of the free population and consequent contraction of markets, resulted in the decay of the large-scale slave-worked agricultural estates ; and since the great numbers of slaves now became a burden upon their owners, these were now largely freed, and small-scale agriculture by “colonists” replaced the older system. These small cultivators paid a fixed sum, or a proportion of the product to landowners, and in other respects were indeed the prototypes of the mediaeval serfs. With regard to the Germanic overrunning of Gaul, Seebohm is quoted by Spencer as inferring that the mediaeval serf was the “compound product of survivals from three separate ancient conditions, gradually, during Roman provincial rule, and under the influence of barbarian conquest, confused and blended into one, viz., those of the slave on the Roman Villa, of the colonus or other semi-servile and mostly barbarian tenants on the Roman Villa or public lands, and of the slave of the German tribesman, who to the eyes of Tacitus was so very much like a Roman colonus

Feudal Europe.
The wide-spread prevalence of the type of subject labour known as serfdom characterises above all the Middle Ages with its baronial sway and feudal organisation of society. The barbarian conquest of the ancient world, in spite of an intellectual setback, did, after all, but continue social evolution—reinvigorated, however, by the new blood from the northern forests. During and after the migrations the conquerors settled amongst the older cultivators, taking the major portion of the land and working this themselves, aided by the bondsmen they held. The long period of war and conquest had, however, left its mark upon their social organisation. The chieftains’ families had acquired the privileges of hereditary and military aristocracy and remained at the head of a new social class (itself a result of the new division of labour : cultivators—warriors), the professional soldiers. Continual warfare between the various military chieftains (e.g., the Heptarchy in England) induced most of the agriculturists, organised as these were in village communities, to place themselves under the care of a lordly “protector,” in return for which protection they surrendered the titles to their lands. Monasteries and churches in this way became, during the ninth and tenth centuries, amongst the largest landowners, and their bishops and abbeys powerful nobles. The protecting lord, baron, seigneur and his retainers had to be fed, clothed and sheltered in their massive castles and were able to exact this by commanding the services of the protected vassals for definite periods— corvée. This servile condition existed, however, in different forms : the services to be rendered and the civil rights vary with time and place. The monarch sometimes, especially in later times, sustained by the burgher class seeking its particular interests, ruled in favour of the lighter forms of serfdom.

Decline of serfdom.
In England typical serfdom gradually disappeared toward the close of the Middle Ages, and in most other European countries considerably later. It was abolished in Russia by Imperial edict as late as 1861. Serfdom had its frictions, as witness some robust rebellions- e.g., the villeins’ revolt under Jack Cade and Wat Tyler, likewise the Jacquerie in France and the Peasants’ War in Germany.

But the determining influence in its decline, in the last analysis (as in the case of all other social phenomena with the exception of the earliest experiences of the race, when society was more under the influence of sexual relations) was essentially economic, although a superficial reading of history may provide an idealist and purely political explanation. The progressive division of labour and its application in newer and more efficient methods, together with the resulting growth of cities, has everything to do with the rendering of serfdom obsolete and incompatible with progress. In England the change from the old, large, open field, yet scattered, small-plot system of agriculture, to the enclosed field system, together with the displacing of husbandry in favour of pastures, for sheep raising, in response to the demand for wool, had much to do with decreasing the need for numerous workers fixed to the land. “Owing to the spread of new agricultural methods, their services ceased to be valuable,” says Spencer, quoting Cunningham.

The development of the bourgeoisie in the cities and their need of defenders resulted in many serfs finding refuge and livelihood with them. In Italy the serfs were largely feed in this way, while the wide-spread demand for money on the part of the nobles during the Crusades, and in emulation of the now prosperous city merchants, led the manorial lords to look rather to rent payments than to services ; and finally it was being discovered that “free-labour” was more efficient and profitable than “servile-labour.” Spencer has it that “German observers in Russia, as quoted by Prof. Jones, say that a Middlesex mower will mow as much in a day as three Russian serfs. The Prussian Councillor of State, Jacobi, is considered to have proved that in Russia where everything is cheap, the labour of a serf was double as expensive as that of a labourer in England. In Austria the work of a serf is stated to have been equal to one-third that of a hired man.”

It is of some interest to note that vestiges of serfdom survived in England until quite recent times. Thus colliers and salters were bound for life to the mines in which they worked, and their sons with them, until the end of the eighteenth century, while well into tho nineteenth century a “free” labourer could not choose, so were conditions arranged, to leave his employer without incurring risk of punishment. Finally, as regards the real relations of servile and free labour, and the determining causes thereof, the views of these two, certainly not Socialist, and eminently respectable, thinkers, may not be out of place. Thus, John Adams in the American Congress of 1776, “That as to this matter, it was of no consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or slaves. That in some countries the labouring poor men are called freemen ; in others they were called slaves ; but the difference was imaginary only. What matters it whether a landlord employing ten labourers on his farm gives them annually as much as will buy the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at short hand ?” (From “Lost Principles of Sectional Equilibrium,” by “Bararossa,” 1860.) Herbert Spencer concludes in this way. “When slave labour and free labour come into competition, slave labour, other things equal, decreases as being less economical. The relative lack of energy, the entire lack of interest, the unintelligent performance of work, and the greater cost of supervision, make the slave an unprofitable productive agent. Hence with an adequate multiplication of labourers it tends gradually to disappear.”

Reviewing, then, slavery in the only fruitful manner, that is, historically ; considering its origin, manifestations and developments, we find that so-called free-labour—wage-labour—falls into its proper place as a later development, of servile production. Free-labour is seen then, to have its roots in chattel-slavery and serfdom, and its future—but to that, shortly. For while labour has been gradually freed from the shackles of chattel and villein conditions, it yet undeniably partakes of the essential characteristics of slavery, viz., human subjection to and labour for the profit of masters. Its distinction from the older forms is sufficiently indicated in the well established Socialist term—WAGE-SLAVERY.

However, the existing order, capitalism, based upon wage-labour, contains and develops within itself its own negation, as did the earlier social systems. The ancient order, based upon chattel-slavery, could not survive the degradation consequent upon the fullest development of that basis, and gave way to the agricultural and military barbarism, which soon developed the feudal system, leaning mainly upon serf-labour. This in turn prepared within itself its own destroyers,—the merchant and artizan class of the towns, the bourgeoisie, who, overthrowing the nobles, and also the King where he could not be made to serve their turn, have become the dominant class, and have moulded society much in their own sanctimonious image. The historically indicated negation of capitalism is Socialism: and the revolutionary instrument of its achievement is the modern class of wage-workers who, stripped of property, are compelled to seek a livelihood by selling to the bourgeoisie their labour-power, but who, in so doing, at the same time acquire an understanding of the conditions of their own development, become class-conscious, and organise for their emancipation. Thereby “emancipating society at large from all its exploitation, oppression, class distinctions and class struggles.”

History dictates the final overthrow of slave-founded society, and the establishment of fraternal society—SOCIALISM.
John H. Halls

Notes and Clippings. (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

HUSTLE !

* * *

Word of dire import to the wage-slave. Yet not without its use, persistently, pitilessly reminding him that increased toll on brain and sinew must be demanded from him to meet the conditions that the ever-increasing mad whirl of competition creates.

* * *

The Daily Chronicle, year of grace 1908: “Wanted, in progress department with some experience of motor-car components, to hustle: THE WORK THROUGH THE SHOPS.”

* * *

“Some experience” only of the inanimate machine, of tank and sparking plug, of valve and tire, but a firm grip of the possibilities of the human mechanism ; its thew and sinew, its mental capacity, its fears and its hopes, its breaking-point, expressed in terms of surplus-value units.

* * *

A correspondent of Justice (12.12.08) cries aloud for “more capital,” in order that the work of the Twentieth Century Press (T.C.P.) may grow and still further flourish.

* * *

Whew ! This in the “Organ of Social Democracy.” Oh Harry Quelch ! Oh Father of British “Socialism,” behold your pupil !!

* * *

“Capital means wealth which is employed by its owners for the purpose of profit by the labour of others,” (Catechism of Socialism, issued by T.O.P., authors, Bax and Quelch).

* * *

“Profits . . . are derived from the surplus-value wrung from the unpaid labour of the workers” (same work, same authors, same bedrock truth).

* * *

Anent this precious piece of correspondence, a Peckham comrade writes “A certain W. A. Woodroffe, in response to an appeal to Social Democratic Party members to take up shares in the T.C.P., sends for two more shares on behalf of the Camberwell Branch, of which he is a member.

* * *

“Is this the W. A. Woodroffe who is employed by the T.C.P., and who played such an ignoble part with the Executive Council of that body when the straight members came out ?

* * *

“If so, the fear he has of many members of the S.D.P. being wholly ignorant of the ‘important’ part played by the T.C.P. in the movement can be dispelled by a true account of the events which led to the formation of the Socialist Party of Great Britain.

* * *

“The question would then resolve itself into an enquiry as to whether the enlightened and disillusioned rank and file of the S.D.P. would find their view coincide with those of W. A. Woidroffe as to what could, or should be done with ‘more capital.’ ”

* * *

The inner history of that historic movement shall be told to readers of The Socialist Standard at an early date. We guarantee that nothing which has hitherto appeared in our organ will be more replete with interest, more illustrative of the dirty method of an organisation dominated by “middle-class quacks,” and bound hand and foot to a concern which demands “more capital,” than such a recountal.

* * *

Meanwhile, I would ask my enquiring comrade whether this same worthy was the individual who spoke at some length at the Old Kent Rd. Baths when Hyndman, “the great Socialist Orator,”—so the handbills read—denied, in answer to a question, that he or the S.D.P. had ever supported Burns after his secession from the ranks of the S.D.P. ?

* * *

Further, whether it was the same W. A. Woodroffe who declared his gratitude to the said “Great Socialist Orator” for his great and surpassing condescension in emptying himself of his glory and stepping out from the ranks of the upper class to patronise and beam on the working classes ?

* * *

Pah ! Its offence is rank. It smells to Heaven. A draught of Marx (translated by Harry Quelch.)

* * *

“The petty bourgeois, always speaks of one side, and the other side. Two opposing, contradictory currents dominate his material interests, and in consequence his religious, scientific, and artistic views, his morality, in fact, his whole being.

* * *

“If he is besides, a man of intellect, he will very soon be able to juggle with his own contradictions, and to elaborate them in striking, noisy, if sometimes brilliant paradoxes. Scientific charlatanism and political compromises are inseparable from such a point of view.

* * *

“There is in such case, only a single motive, individual vanity, and, as with all vain people, there is no question of anything beyond the mere effect of the moment, the success of the hour.”

* * *

Could Genius go further in limning the psychological outlines of the Hyndmans and Blatchfords ? Through the mental features of the latter, especially, leers out the baneful figure of the Anarchist Prondhon, of whom the above (in “Misère de la Philosophie”) was written.

* * *

And—Que le diable faites-vous dans cette galère, Harry ?

* * *

Is it a place within the meaning of the—no, not the Act, pardon—of Socialism ?
A. Reginald.

[Quotes] (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard
Men are disturbed, not by things, but by the principles and ideas which men form about them.—”The Enchiridion.”

Men rattle their chains to manifest their freedom.—Sir Arthur Helps, “Essays and Aphorisms.”

Why Does Russell Smart? (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

It is unfortunate that we have to begin the New Year like this, but there is no help for it. We have been asked, for the nineteen-hundred-and-ninth time, why there is so much discord in the “movement.” Why don’t we leave off slanging the S.D.P. and I.L.P., let them pursue the uneven tenor of their way, and devote the whole of our energies to propagating what we consider to be the truth ? Why split the forces that have all the same aim and differ only as to method ? Let us each traverse the path, which is most congenial: we are bound to meet some day, and so on. Points, dear reader, which, you will observe, all beg hosts of questions. For instance, supposing that our ultimate aims were identical, there is surely no reason why if proof could be adduced, we should not point out that the other parties were “coffin-ships.” And, of course, there is the question as to what comprises the “movement.” If you say “the Socialist movement” our answer is easy. There is but one Socialist movement, and its headquarters are situated at 22, Great James Street. There is certainly no discord in the Socialist movement. On the contrary, a more solid unity upon the questions that matter it would be difficult to find.

But should you specify the “Labour” movement, or the “Social Reform” movement as movements making for progress and ultimately for Socialism, we beg moat emphatically to disclaim, any intention of splitting the already riven. The very word “Labour” has become synonymous with political ineptitude and wind-bagging, whilst “Social Reform” includes within its spongy boundaries, anything and everybody, from the Smoke Abatement Society to the Smoke Creation or Fabian Society ; from the Independent Labour Party to the Anti-Gambling League ; from the Clarion Flowerpot Guild to the Moore and Burgess Minstrels, very nearly. But, seriously, the “party of progress” includes some queer fish, or rare birds, whichever you prefer.

In the S.P.G.B. we make but one stipulation, and that is that its members must be Socialists. The ranks of Social Reform include anybody with a pet fad who will adopt the formula : “I too am a Socialist, in some respects, ahem! but I think we want the Single Tax, or a paper currency, or State Ownership of Ice Cream Carts, you know, first.” And so we find Joseph Fels, the single taxer, R. J. Campbell, the new theologian, Arthur Kitson, the currency crank, H. G. Wells, the sensational novelist, and hosts of others, representing all shades of faddism, up and down the whole gamut of puerile futility, all in the same camp and under the same many-coloured banner of “Social Reform.”

Usually the faddist is a man of means, often an employer of labour, and, curiously enough, he almost invariably joins the I.L.P. Of course, accidents will happen, and the S.D.P. has been known to bag a real live countess, with a motorcar and diamonds and things of that sort, but the I.L.P. appears to be a happy-hunting-ground for the man with the hobby.

The result, very naturally, is chaos. No two elections are fought alike. The old Liberal and Tory dodge of playing down to your electorate in order to “get your man in,” is a well established feature of Labour politics. Temperance legislation is promised to the teetotal fanatic ; Home Rule has the candidate’s whole-hearted sympathy when the son of Erin asks questions ; he is quite willing to prove that Free Trade is much superior to Protection, when the Liberals offer their support, and so on.

We should not mind a great deal if the people named would call themselves the “Peaceful Persuaders,” or “The Gently Does It Party,” or something of that sort, but they persistently label themselves “Socialists” ; preachers of undiluted, straight-forward Socialism, etc., and that is where we object. We are not the only ones who are of that opinion. Their own members are telling them so. This is what Leonard Hall says in the Clarion of December 4th. After showing that the I.L.P. is in danger of being “(1) side-tracked by tired, timid, or trimming tactics; (2) disrupted by impulsive inexperience or too intolerant enthusiasm; or (3) stultified and spragged by immoderate hero-worship, caucus dictation, or paralysing over-centralisation,” he proceeds to point out that “the first and second of these perils would and could have no existence if the national administration of the Party were in fact democratic—that is to say, if the members of the Party were in a position to give full effect at any and all times to their wishes and will as to administration and policy. The present machinery of the Party’s national administration and the temper and strategy of the few worthy gentlemen who in fact hold control of that machinery are just as undemocratic as if they had been carefully designed for the sole purpose of undemocracy. For these gentlemen also control the official Party newspapers,”

Mr. Hall very aptly concludes his article by saying “Will it also not be useful to remind ourselves that the original objective of the I.L.P. was Socialism ?”

We of the S.P.G.B. have never said anything worse of the I.L.P. than that. That, in fact, is our case. We may differ as to whether the objective of the I.L.P. ever was Socialism, but it certainly is not now.

Mr. Hall is not alone in the position he takes up. Russell Smart, in a letter to the New Age, October 29th, is “sick, sorry, and tired of the confusion and disorganisation into which the party (the I.L.P.) has drifted, and the incapacity with which its affairs are administered.” The letter is too long to quote in full, but the following is about a third of it, and comprises a complete summary of the way things are managed in the Independent (?) Labour Party.
“But this melancholy business is chiefly our own fault. Who is to bring the wrong-doers to book ? By which court are they to be tried? The N.A.C. should be the body, but the N.A.C. to all intents and purposes is Hardie, MacDonald and Snowden—scarcely an impartial tribunal. These men have gained possession of the whole movement. They are the N.A.C. They succeed each other as chairman. They are our M.P.s ; our chief delegates to the Labour Party Conferences, they agree among themselves as to the policy to be pursued and then give forth that policy to the party from which they exact a sheep-like adherence. The party is never consulted before action is taken, it is only asked to endorse policies already decided on. The Unemployed Workers Bill was drafted and laid before Parliament without submission to the Party. Undoubtedly it is a good Bill, and meets with the approval of every member as a whole, though there are clauses in it to which considerable opposition might be urged. The Licensing Bill has received the unanimous support of our I.L.P. members of Parliament. They have appeared on public platforms along with Liberal members at thinly disguised Liberal meetings, and there is no one to call them to account.

Cockermouth was fought, Newcastle left unfought, entirely on their own responsibility ; all sorts of wire-pulling and intrigue go on in constituencies who contemplate running candidates. The party organ has also come under their control; it is not the paper of the I.L.P., but the register of the official view; and their henchman, the editor, is allowed to let loose those vituperative insults which are his chief qualification for his position, on any individual who dares to criticise the action of Olympus.

“This oligarchy is provoking general dissatisfaction. I hear of individuals, even whole branches, seceding, or threatening to do so.

”What poor-spirited treachery to a great movement. Where will the dissentients go ? To what organisation will they transfer themselves ? Assuredly if they submit to dictatorship in the I.L.P., they will be subject to a similar yoke in the S.D.P., S.L.P., S.P.G.B., or any other alphabetical combination.”
That is from a member of the I.L.P., and it is as fine an indictment of the Hardie-MacDonald-Snowden combine as could be wished for. Leonard Hall’s phrase “immoderate hero-worship and caucus dictation” seems to just need Russell Smart’s “sheep-like adherence” to explain, the whole wobbly structure of the Party.

Juat a word on Russell Smart’s reference to the S.P.G.B. He assumes that a similar state of things exists in this organisation as has made the I.L.P. the last word in political trickery. Nothing could be further removed from the truth. For instance, all our propaganda platforms are free and open to anyone who cares to take them in opposition. Are those of the I.L.P. or S.D.P. ? We have been refused them scores of times. All our meetings, from the business meetings of the E.C. and the Annual Conference down to the ordinary branch meeting and the Quarterly Delegate Meetings, are open to the public. And why should they not be ? We are not a secret society ; we have nothing to hide. There can be no wire-pulling, intrigue, or caucus dictation in such circumstances. We don’t flee discussion : we invite it. What is most important, we ensure a concrete foundation for our edifice by insisting that our members understand what they are signing when they sign our Declaration of Principles, and that they act in accordance with it when signed. In a word, we see to it that The Socialist Party consists of Socialists. Nothing illogical about that, is there ? Do it now.
Wilfred.

Rays. (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

In “Justice” (2.1.09), Mr. H. M. Hyndman enters his protest against “modesty,” and boastingly gives a list of his aristocratic relations and friends who have had more or less close relations with Indian affairs. The list includes titled hired assassins of every degree, military swashbucklers, capitalist political and literary hacks, Lords and Ladies of English high society, and a few Indian natives who had found favour in the eyes of their country’s enemies—truly a noble and notable gang of associates to boast of while posing as a Socialist,

* * *

The writer then proceeds to tell us how clever HE was, how HE had provided a Conservative Government with an Indian policy, which they put into practice, and how he “had been assured that he had rendered a great service to the State,” and had been offered “all that any man could get in this country.”

* * *

Doubtless all this is true. In fact, judging by the present painful position in which the Indian people find themselves, we are inclined to believe that some scheme of his has been in operation, and after reading his shameful confessions, we shall view with more suspicion than ever any future proposals emanating either from H. M. Hyndman or that coterie of his disciples who still call themselves “The Social Democratic Party.”

* * *

However, not to be eclipsed, but to dim the self-constructed halo round Hyndman’s head, up springs the gentle George Bernard Shaw, to trumpet forth in the columns of the “Observer” (10.1.09) his services, and those of the Fabian Society, to the capitalist class. According to G.B.S. it was the Fabian Society (in other words himself) who supplied the Liberal Party with the Newcastle Programme, which served so well to delude the working class for twenty years ; and when it dawned on those far-seeing and obliging Fabians, that to have a programme without meaning to carry it out meant disaster to their Liberal friends, they prepared the way for a Party (the Liberal Party) without any programme to carry out. Now it is rumoured that the Labour Party require a programme, and again the Fabian Society is at hand. Yet the one and only George need not worry. Those Liberal-Labour lambs won’t do anything rash. They don’t really need a programme. What (from a working-class point of view) they really need is called “cremation.” Nevertheless, George Bernard Shaw is going to Portsmouth to provide the freaks with more Fabian foolery. ‘Tis a mad world, my masters, but it spells tragedy for the toilers.

* * *eade

Mr. Ben Tillett has fallen foul of the Parliamentary Labour Party (to which he is affiliated and under whose auspices he has agreed to stand for Parliament) and in a pamphlet just issued, charges them with libelling their class in connection with the Licensing discussion, and says that Henderson, Shackleton and Snowden have ‘out-Heroded the worst ranters.’ The present leader of the party, ‘when a Gospel-Temperance-Liberal Election agent, was of little importance,’ whilst Shackleton, ‘as a useful but obscure trade union official, was of little consequence ; now he is the darling of Cabinet Ministers, “hot gospellers,” temperance fanatics and educational endowment thieves,’ and so on and so on.”

* * *

Commenting on the above John Bull asks (23.1.09) “When Labour men fall out, how are the workers to get their due ?” The answer to this is, of course, by choosing to understand Socialism and trying Socialist delegates instead of “Labour Leaders.” This answer is equally applicable to the question “How are workers to get their due ?” whether the “Labour men” fall out or not. For united or divided they are just as impotent to effect any advancement of the cause of that great working class whom they have they the impudence to claim they represent, while in fact they merely represent its ignorance and credulity.

"Practical Socialism" in Harrow. (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

Although one of the schools of the master class dominates us from the hill above, yet among the members of the working class who live in the mean streets stretching out upon all sides at its base, a considerable amount of activity in the “Socialist movement” is evident.

Unfortunately, the inverted commas are necessary ; for the only organised bodies are a group of the Fabian Society and a branch of the I.L.P.

As regards the former their activity has been confined to a series of four lectures delivered by Alderman Sanders, L.C.C. As might be expected from the lecturer, the usual Progressive, municipal gas and water “Socialism” was preached. Fortunately, the audience was made up mostly of I.L.P’ers, so no great harm may be expected. It is, however, with the political activities of the I.L.P. that I intend to deal.

The local I.L.P. number among their fifty members a well-known novelist, an artist, a son of the local vicar, commercial travellers, and so forth. Now the antics of some of these “practical Socialists” are very interesting, seeing that they are members of that “great national party” whose discipline and organisation, and whose scientific knowledge of and street corner adherence to the principles of Socialism, are so renowned. A writer in the Socialist Review urges that their watchword should be “Practical Socialists, close up your ranks,” and one has only to give a casual glance at the condition of the I.L.P. to see that it was never more necessary.

Let that be as it may, the following will speak for itself. Last Autumn when the unemployed agitation was revived, when the “practical Socialists” were giving forth a flood of spoken and written nonsense, with a view to persuading the capitalist class to abolish itself (for that is what solving the unemployed problem means), this district was in the throes of a local election. Two of the candidates were non-party, parish-pump reformers ; the third was an avowed Tariff Reformer. But Eureka ! he actually advocated the solution of the unemployed problem by planting trees along the streets. Here was a chance for the “practical Socialists” ! Several of their most prominent members fell over each other in their eagerness to “do something for the unemployed.” The artist, of course, was the most enthusiastic of them all, for could he not foresee the time when the dreary streets would be turned into avenues of verdant trees, beneath the leafy boughs of which the inhabitants of Harrow would rusticate, making pictures worthy of a Watteau’s brush ? Result: the “practical Socialists” took the chair for the practical Tariff Reformer, enthusiastic to do something—or somebody.

The branch, however, was a little apathetic, so it was waited upon, and attempts were made to either cajole or cudgel it into giving official support. This the branch was not prepared to do (although only a bare majority voted against) but it left the matter to the discretion of the members on the principle that although independent in Imperial politics, locally they could do what they liked.

Several of the members attended an open-air meeting at which their artist comrade acted as chairman, and when asked for their support, would not pledge themselves because the Tariff Reformer’s answers were not satisfactory. Which shows that the latter was not “wide” enough to bait his hook properly. I asked them afterwards what was their intention re the action of these members; would it be officially and publicly disavowed ? No, they could not do that, they replied : it would give offence, and they were such good fellows !

What blissful felicity ! What mutual admiration ! And what organisation and discipline in that “great national organisation of practical Socialists, the I.L.P. !” May all their guardian angels defend them next summer if they hold outdoor meetings, for the Liberals and Tories are waiting for them, to say nothing of the lone member of the S.P.G.B. who writes this.

I will give one other instance. In the local “Parliament” there is a Labour Party. One of its members is rather “extreme,” and attacks the Liberals, his comrades think, rather too bitterly. As a result an open meeting was held to discuss the following resolution. “Shall we (the I.L.P.) fight the Liberals with the object of smashing them ?” (By the way, the chairman pointed out in extenuation of the “extreme” nature of the resolution, that it was only “an academic resolution, made extreme to provoke discussion.” The oratory that followed perfectly scintillated with gems of I.L.P. thought. My poor “impractical Socialist” eyes were dazzled ; in fact I saw stars. When it came to the voting six or eight of the most prominent members voted against—against fighting the Liberals ! Enough ! What a rod in pickle there is for them.

These, then, are the men who make up the I.L.P. These are the “practical Socialists” who sneer at the members of the S.P.G.B. as “insignificant impossibilists.” They claim to be the army of Labour, the hope of the working class. They are a mob, with an ignorant rank and file, led mostly by knaves. The hope they put before the workers is a will-o’-the-wisp. They are those who, disguised as friends, inflict the gaping wounds that drain away the precious energy and life-blood of the working-class movement.

The Socialist Party of Great Britain, small in numbers though it be, can rest content in the knowledge that with its scientific, revolutionary class consciousness, working in conjunction with economic evolution, it is always able to attack, and will finally overthrow, this party which, posing as the friend of working-class emancipation, is in reality one of its most deadly foes.
F. Hesley.

Jottings. (1909)

The Jottings Column from the
February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

The Editor of Justice informs a correspondent (5.12.08) that municipalisation of certain concerns has not been done by the S.D.P. members on local governing bodies, but that “we were the first to advocate them, and the fact that our opponents, in spite of themselves in many instances, have been constrained to put such measures into practice, proves our forecast of the trend of development to have been a correct one, and also that in many cases we have assisted the development by forcing the pace.” Then the “Immediate Reform of Public Ownership of Gas, Electric Light, and Water Supplies, as well as of Tramway, Omnibus and other locomotive services,” in-so-far as it forces the pace of capitalism, does not “reform” the present system, but makes it worse. Unless the Editor of Justice would have us believe that “greater material and moral facilities for the working class to organise itself and carry on the class war” may be attained by permitting the capitalists in any local area to combine together in order to exploit the workers to a greater extent, in those concerns which can no longer be carried on in their class interest as private concerns. “Public” control does not arise under municipalisation any more than under trustification or private trading. In each instance a paid expert runs the business, and increases in his salary are often decided by his ability to carry on the concern at the lowest expense.

Unless the Editor of Justice considers socialisation and municipalisation to be one and the same thing,—which I cannot imagine,—he is wasting time by troubling with municipalisation at all, for we are told that “the emancipation of the working class can only be achieved through the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and (!) exchange, and their subsequent control by the organised community in the interest of the whole people.” (S.D.P. programme.) That last clause could mean that the process of socialisation is performed by one class who are superseded by the workers subsequently when they take control: probably, however, “consequent control” is meant, because the emancipation is not complete, any more than the socialisation is, until the “organised community” has control.

* * *

There is a machine known as the Owens Glass Bottle Making Machine. There are 18 of these machines in America, the annual maximum output of which exceeds 100,000,000 bottles.

The machine is said to be the only one on which the whole process, from glass-making to the finished bottle, can be carried out continuously. The glass furnace is in direct combination with the blowing apparatus, and the molten glass flows into a revolving chamber, from which it is removed by suction through six vents, to be then shaped, blown, and delivered automatically. After exhaustive trials had been made at Trafford Park, Manchester, the European Glass Bottle Syndicate was formed. They purchased the European patent rights for £600,000. The number of machines AND THEIR OUTPUT have been fixed for each member of the Syndicate, and the change from hand labour to machine work is to be made gradually during the next ten years, in order to minimise any disturbing influence on labour and capital already engaged in the industry.

* * *
“There is, however, nothing remarkable in the attitude of the Labour Party to the unemployed, as nothing effective can be done to remedy unemployment without seriously affecting capitalist class interests. Therefore no capitalist Government will do anything effective unless absolutely forced to do so.”
No, gentle reader, the above quotation is not from The Socialist Standard. In that case it would be sheer “impossibilism,” while appearing as it does in Justice, (9.1.09), it is, of course, a level-headed statement of fact. Doubtless that is why the S.D.P. spend so much time and energy more or less organising the unemployed to ask the capitalist Government to do that which “no capitalist Government will do,” namely, “anything effective” for the unemployed. But hush, thou wrecker! The very next sentence puts the matter in order from the S.D.P. standpoint. Listen !
“Now Mr. MacDonald and other Labour Party chiefs dare not allow their Party to apply that force, because of the understanding between them and the Liberals regarding seats.”
When we have said the Labour Party was indebted to Liberal support for their seats we have been told we were using ”vile abuse and slander.” Of course, when Justice says so it is merely “fair criticism.” The point just now, however, is the remark that the Party chiefs “dare not allow their Party to apply that force.” The Labour Party number 31 members in the House of Commons out 672 ! What force do they possess ? Merely the force, of protest—nothing more. Fully in keeping with the position of the reform parties, however, is the suggestion that a small minority can obtain anything useful to the workers. And this in spite of the fact that a few lines previously it was stated that the Government would not do anything “unless absolutely forced.” Will Justice please explain how 31 members can force the, other 641 ?
“If the Labour Party were to apply force to the Government on any question affecting capitalist interests that understanding would be ruptured, with the result that every one of the Labour Members would find themselves opposed by Liberal candidates at the next elections. Such opposition would be almost certain to result in the defeat of the Labour candidate, and defeat means the loss of a salary of £200 a year, together with sundry fat perquisites which the letters M.P. added to their names bring them for their lucubrations to the capitalist press.

“Indeed, it is quite probable that the money-value of the letters M.P. affixed to the name of a ‘Labour’ writer to the capitalist press has a great deal more to do with the attitude of MacDonald, Snowden, and Co. than is generally supposed. I know for certain, at any rate, that those two magic letters have brought the ‘Labour’ writer entitled to affix them to his name as much as £5 a time for a daily column of stuff to papers which would not have accepted it gratis without those two letters affixed to the name of the writer.”
Et tu Brute. What does the Labour Party think of this—not from the “narrow, intolerant bigots” of the S.P.G.B., but from their “neutral, friendly critics,” whose member, Will Thorne, is in the ranks of the Party thus criticised ? Fortunately, the leaders of the Labour Party have met this point by anticipation, when they have denounced the “dogma of material interests being the driving force in human actions” as a “blighting creed of withering materialism.” What that brilliant remark may mean is carefully kept to themselves—to prevent overloading the minds of the rank and file with information.

Answers to Correspondents. (1909)

From the February 1909 issue of the Socialist Standard

Johnson (Hulme), writes “Having bought your paper, The Socialist Standard, and seen you have many times said the workers don’t pay the rates, I should like to ask you (1) Why do the capitalists not let the workers know they do not pay same ? (2) Why Mr. Geo. J. Wardle recently said at the Grand Theatre, Manchester, that the workers pay the rates—they pay everything ? (3) Mr. Masterman, M.P., at Crewe, 12 Nov., 08, said ‘But much as he would like to relieve taxation from every class, if he had to choose between the man with 18s. a week and the man with £2,000 a year he should have no hesitation in saying it was more desirable as a matter of national politics to relieve those with the smallest incomes.’ I should like to know who are up the pole, they, or I.”

We point out to our correspondent that the capitalists do, when it suits them, “let the workers know they don’t pay” the rates, for evidence of which see Chiozza Money’s “Riches and Poverty,” pp. 79-80 (People’s edition). With regard to the second point, Mr. Wardle probably knows no better. His statement quite bears out our contention that the members of the Labour Party are, to put it mildly, confusionists. The Socialist contention, of course, means that rates are not paid out of wages. Perhaps even Mr. Wardle would not claim that the workers pay for “everything” out of their wages. As to the third point, Mr. Masterman knows his business. Slim capitalist politician that he is, he knows the use of such verbal trickery when working men are to be bamboozled. Apart from the question at issue, wage-workers are vastly more interested in high municipal expenditure, involving employment, than they are in high or low rates. If our correspondent will read the article on the subject in the June ’05 issue of this journal, he will then be in a position to decide for himself who is “up the pole.”