Necessary though the continuation and extension of trades union activity is under capitalism, the true interests of the workers lie instead in the political struggle to establish socialism. On the other hand, the vast majority of trade union members are not socialists. Consequently their political motivation does not go further than reformist activity, which they believe will improve their lot under capitalism. Some, particularly the more active, would claim that they are socialists and that their political activity will help to hasten the establishment of socialism. However the acid test is to examine their definition, or rather lack of definition, of socialism.
In Britain it was the unions which brought the Labour Party into being, in the first place motivated by the need to reverse the Taff Vale judgement of 1901. While this specific object was achieved, it involved a deal with the Liberal Party. Since that date British unions have often taken a leading role in agitating for all kinds of reform measures, both through the Labour Party, to which most large unions are affiliated, and outside it. This is the dual role of unions today. On the one hand the day-to-day class struggle in industry, on the other reformist political activity.
An excellent illustration of the contradictory nature of the unions is the case of TASS, the Technical, Administrative and Supervisory section of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers (AEUWi. Before amalgamation with the AEUW, TASS was known as the Draughtsmen’s and Allied Technicians Association (DATA). About 15 years ago union membership among the white collar staff whom TASS represented was low, with plenty of the criticism of unions in general which is common among those workers who consider themselves a cut above the “common herd”.
That situation has now changed considerably. A concerted drive by TASS has led to the recruitment of a large part of the technical staff. This has reflected also the growing frustration among these workers at the erosion of their standards when compared with those of the more militant. While there has not yet been a full-scale strike, there have been a number of walk-outs, works-to-rule and other “non-co-operation". It is noticeable that while the management are now adjusted to dealing with unions on the shop floor, they seem unable to accept the evidence of their own eyes when dealing with those described as “staff”. Evidently the idea that white-collar workers don't do such things is dying hard. .Although it is now eight years since the drawing office walk-out, employers still appear to believe that the unions will go away if they wait a little longer.
TASS also deserves some credit for the partial erosion of the elitist attitudes which have long prevailed among engineers: such views have been encouraged by professional bodies such as the Institute of Mechanical Engineers. These bodies have recommended that engineers should join small unions or staff associations, which encourage the idea that they are essentially an a different position to other workers. In one typical factory, while draughtsmen and stress engineers have joined TASS, aero-dynamocists still cling to the elitist attitude which is basically a hangover from the craft unions of old. These elements were largely behind an attempt to form, a company “union”, which some members of the board of directors at first appeared to encourage. When the board were compelled to give TASS negotiating rights, they could no longer go along with the idea of a company union, although the actual organisation still operates without the blessing of the company. This withering of elitism is reflected in a more sympathetic attitude towards union activity in general. The change in attitude can now be seen at quite a senior level, and this is an area of the country which has always been very conservative politically.
However, the political side of TASS is another, altogether sadder, story. The more active union members, the fairly small proportion who regularly attend branch meetings, are mainly “left wing” supporters of the Labour Party. Instead of giving their attention to the recruiting of new members and the best methods of waging the industrial struggle, a fair proportion of the available time at meetings is devoted to discussing reformist measures very similar to those which will be pushed within the Labour Party. If anything, this could put off potential members w'ho might join if propaganda were confined to the need to organise and the benefits of so doing. The reformist views of TASS are well illustrated in their monthly publication AUEW/TASS Newss and Journal. To read this can often give you the same breathless feeling as the Socialist Worker does: fight this, demonstrate against that, smash the other. Apart from the total misuse of the word “socialism"—in the January 1981 issue Russia is described as a “highly developed socialist country . . . (which) wants peace and security above all else"—there are some three underlying themes to their political propaganda.
When the necessary translations of have been carried out (for "socialism” read “TASS is for it”, for "capitalism” read “TASS is agin it”) one theme recurs—TASS is keen to fight the battles of British capitalism when the others have given up. The attempts of super patriotic TASS are, so we are told, being sabotaged by the very people who would benefit from them, assuming that they work out as planned. For instance, the January TASS News carried the headline “S.O.S.—Save our Steel. Press industry to buy from Britain”. Ken Gill, General Secretary of TASS, writes “TASS believes that British companies should put their money where their mouths are and act in the country’s interest.” A statement of the concern of TASS for British capitalism, which is in a more restrained vein, is contained in their submission entitled “Qualified Engineers — The Way forward”, to the Committee of Enquiry into the engineering profession.
Recently TASS, in conjunction with the TGWU, put forward a “Plan to save British Leyland”. The argument is that BL is too small to compete with the giants, and suggests that it should join forces with a multinational. Even if such a scheme were to be successful, unless there were a corresponding increase in sales, it could do no more than create some employment for a few British workers at the expense of workers overseas. Many TASS backed schemes and branch resolutions at best transfer problems elsewhere, and often involve deals with interests with doubtful records in their relations with unions. Members engaged in the manufacture of war weapons, for instance, will call for increased expenditure in this direction. The effort spent concocting this sort of scheme would be far better expended in trying to organise multinational union activity to combat the use of low pay and lack of organisation in, for example, Eastern European [countries] as a weapon against unions elsewhere. Such action would help foster international working class consciousness, and could well assist the spread of socialist ideas.
Again, in the current January TASS News, Joe Ashton, a TASS sponsored Labour MP says that “while it took Moses 40 years to find the promised land, the public these days won’t wait that long". This is part of a comic “prayer to god” for a better 1981, but it illustrates another theme which continually recurs in TASS as well as other left-wing propaganda. The “militant masses” are apparently waiting impotently for the leaders to lead them to socialism. Indeed, a very old idea, but it is a myth.
The political antics of TASS are yet another illustration of the need to pay attention to basics. The class structure of capitalism has not been correctly studied, so that they have not understood the causes of the evils which afflict the working class under the present system. Given this lack of understanding of the cause, it is not surprising that some fantastic and utterly useless remedies are prescribed. The basic assumption, despite confusing terminology, is that everything can be solved within capitalism, suitably patched up.
E. C. Edge
No comments:
Post a Comment