Supplement: The object and declaration of principles (1974)

From the Special 300th issue of The Western Socialist

Included in every copy of The Western Socialist and, indeed on most literature published by the Companion Parties of Socialism is our Object and our Declaration of Principles. It is our studied conviction that, in its entirety, the statement is a scientific generalization of the goal we are organized to attain; the basic reasons why such a goal is of the greatest urgency; and how a socialist working class should go about the business of bringing the goal to fruition. It is an inter-related statement and no single Clause is intended to be analysed in a vacuum removed from the entire statement. With this constantly in mind, let us spell out what we mean, the image we draw, in our Object and Declaration of Principles

OBJECT

The establishment of a system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the Interest of society as a whole.

A system of society alludes to the sum total of human relationships and is meant to distinguish us from those who seek to organize cooperative colonies, islands within a sea of capitalism. Socialism, as we understand it, is not a colony, not a kibbutz. but a system of society in the sense that capitalism, feudalism, and chattel slavery must all be characterized as systems of society.

The term common ownership should not be confused with such phenomena as state ownership, or "public” ownership, terms used under capitalism to designate a more direct ownership of certain industries by the capitalist class as a whole. Common ownership implies the absence of ownership and we specify that this common ownership is to apply to the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth. We do not speak here of one’s personal belongings as some not too discerning opponents of our case delight in inferring. Democratic control should speak for itself but the point must be made, nevertheless, that In a society wherein the means and instruments of wealth production and distribution are commonly owned it is difficult to conceive of control other than democratic.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 1

That society, as at present constituted, is based upon the ownership of the means of living (i.e., land, factories, railways, etc.) by the capitalist or master class, and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth is produced.

In the bulk of the world today, it is self evident that a tiny minority of the population owns the means and instruments of wealth production and distribution, either directly or through ownership in stocks and bonds. Even the sidewalks and public buildings are actually owned by those few members of the population who own the bulk of municipal and government bonds. In the case of sidewalks, and in the Instance of access to public buildings, etc., by the general population, it would be impossible to restrict usage to those who pay a fee. The working class, the slaves of modern times, must not be hampered in their comings and goings as were chattel slaves and serfs in former times. Nevertheless, the majority of the population today remain slaves, chained to a class, rather than to an individual. The lack of ownership of the means and instruments of wealth production and distribution compels the working class to work for those who do own.

The process in those countries that designate themselves Communist or Socialist is not significantly different. A minority of the population, through ownership of government bonds or in some cases by extra - legal means, owns and controls the means by which all must live, compelling the majority to seek employment at wages or salaries.

The point is also made that the working class is the one class essential to production and distribution. This point will reappear.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 2

That, in society, therefore, there it an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle between those who possess but do not produce, and those who produce but do not possess.

Explicit In this Clause are facts of life that are hotly denied by all defenders of capitalism. Not alone the fact that strikes and lockouts are but manifestations of a struggle between economic classes, but also the fact that the capitalist class is non-essential to production, is parasitical; and, finally, the fact that the working class does not participate in ownership despite the fact it is responsible for all of production.

Yet despite the rationalizations of the Labor Union brass; despite the Henry Fords and other capitalists who draw huge salaries as "essential management"; In spite of the diffusion of stock, even among sections of the working class, the statement is correct. Labor Unions, although essentially working class organizations, must operate within the framework of the wages system; must cooperate and compromise with the managers of Capital; must support the lie of a common interest between employers and workers. It is useless to cry "traitor” and "sell-out" at Labor leaders. It is the nature of capitalism that they operate as they do.

On the other hand, capitalists who act as managers do so out of individual desire, not because they are necessary. The Institutions of higher learning have long ago instituted departments for the development of managerial brains and the capitalists who prefer to go to the office could hire their replacements with little difficulty. The entire capitalist class could settle on the Moon with no detrimental effects to their industries.

Nor does the possession of stocks to the extent enjoyed by average working people place them in the capitalist class. This is a delusion . . let them attempt to live on the Interest of their shares!

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 3 

That this antagonism can b« abolished only by the emancipation of the working class from the domination of the master class, by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distribution, and their democratic control by the whole people.

The majority may still quarrel with our assumption that the working class will eventually take such action. They can hardly quarrel with the point that class antagonisms cannot exist where economic classes do not exist. As for the instrument which will enable the whole people to exercise democratic control of the common property of society, such instrument already exists. Intrinsically, there is nothing wrong with institutions where representatives assemble to parley (parliaments, congresses, diets, or even so-called soviets). What is wrong about them today, is that such congresses are controlled by the capitalist class. Remove class society and the assemblies will function in the interest of the whole people. Socialists are not state "smashers!" Socialists advocate transforming the state from a government of rule over people by a master class into an administration of things in the interest of all mankind.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 4 

That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the emancipation of the working class will involve the emancipation of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex.

Capitalism has narrowed the class struggle to the point at which there are left but two contending classes. It is obvious that once the working class has taken political control from the capitalists there remains no class beneath it to exploit. The very act of stripping the capitalists from control of the state brings with it the end of class society and the resultant emancipation of all mankind.

Scientific socialists do not subscribe to the myth of “race.” The fact that the word 'race" exists does not prove that a non-verbal entity corresponding to the word exists. There are only human beings and they are a single species. There are ethnic and other arbitrary divisions; but there are no races. We of the World Socialist Party use the term “race,” as we do in our Declaration of Principles, in a classificatory sense.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 5

That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself.

There is no minority section of the population, no educated leadership, no vanguard composed of professional revolutionaries from the ranks of the intelligentsia (as Lenin and the Bolsheviks have advocated in this century), that can lead the working class to socialism. Social revolutions are made by those whose immediate interest it is to abolish existing relationships. The concept of leadership (or “correct” leadership) then, is not only unnecessary to a revolutionary working class but harmful to its interests. Leaders, in fact, can never lead masses where they do not want to go. They must advocate policies and action favorable to the followers, which makes of the leaders, followers themselves. When the working class understands and desires socialism it will appoint and elect representatives, not leaders, to do its bidding.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 6

That as the machinery of governments, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly by the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organise consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government. In order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and overthrow of plutocratic privilege.

There is a type of radical thought that turns this proposition on its head. Anarchists, syndicalists, industrial unionists of IWW and also of DeLeonist sort, contend that capitalist power resides basically in industry rather than in control of the state. One is either admonished to ignore the state entirely while advocating general strikes, individual acts of terror, armed insurrection; or one advocates the organization of “socialist” industrial unions which would “back up” a socialist majority at the polls.

The problem here would be that the capitalists (in their vying sections) must be playing some sort of a game — an expensive game, indeed — with their political campaigns. Either that, or they are misled into believing that control of the state brings with it a control over Industry. And oddly, it is not due to lack of evidence in contemporary American history as to the function of the political state. There are many examples of orders from a state governor, or orders from the President of the United States, for the mobilization and use of National Guards, or U.S. Army units, or even of the conversion of the first into the second to thwart a recalcitrant state governor.

Yet, despite the palpable truth that armed forces, from city police to U.S. servicemen, move only at the command of those in control of the political seats of power, the confrontations by angry, self-styled revolutionists go on.

But how. then, should the working class organize to end capitalism? Naturally it must be on the political front but it must certainly be more than merely politically. And that is why our proposition has before the word "politically” the term “consciously.” This is the key. The working class must not leave the thinking to “wise” leaders, political messiahs, etc. They must know what they are doing. Once in control of the seats of power a victorious socialist working class can immediately declare the end of class ownership and immediately convert the government over people into an administration over things. The capitalist class will cease to exist as a class category and without control of a state will be in no position to do anything important about it excepting to retire gracefully, or otherwise.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 7

That as all political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party.

The proposition points to the fact that political parties exist as the expression not alone of class interests but also of the interests of different sections of the capitalist class. It will have been noticed how eagerly capitalists will enlist the aid of workers, even the more militant type of radical workers, when their particular interests are involved. Capitalists who have their investments in retail merchandising, for example, will unite with leftists in a struggle against high rents. There are, after all, only so many dollars of wages and salaries to go around and why should the landlords get more of it? Landlords, on the other hand, are quick to sympathise with a resistance against high prices in supernarkets, department stores, etc. And each section within the capitalist class tries always to shift the burden of taxation onto the shoulders of the other sections, and goes all out to convince the workers that this is their fight, too.

There cannot be more than one socialist party in one country because there is but one reason for the existence of a socialist party: to get rid of capitalism and right away. It follows then that the socialist party “must be hostile to every other party."

Should another party appear on the scene with the same views as the World Socialist Party, steps would be taken for consolidation. We are not in competition with others for the establishment of a classless society.

PRINCIPLE NUMBER 8

THE COMPANION PARTIES OF SOCIALISM, therefore, enter the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labor or avowedly capitalist, and call upon all members of the working class of those countries to support these principles to the end that a termination may be brought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom.

There are different ways of “waging war.” Socialists wage war by building an arsenal of socialist information and using this arsenal to the fullest extent of their capabilities to counter the propaganda of the capitalist class. But this “war" must be directed not only against the avowedly capitalist political parties such as Republicans and Democrats, Progressive and Independent, or any other designation that may be adopted by those who advocate their particular theories of how capitalism should be operated. Our "war” is also directed against those organisations who falsely style themselves socialist or communist and who, at the same time, seek votes through the advocacy of reforms within capitalism or violence by unarmed workers against those who control the arms of the state.

We ask the support of the working class for the immediate abolition of the wages system and the immediate institution of world socialism and for no other reason.

AND A FINAL NOTE 

Those who read this article with care will notice on several occasions there are re-iterations of points made previously. This was not done inadvertently. The entire statement is designed, as we have said above, to tie together. We would disagree, then, that one can accept some points and reject others. The statement stands, in its entirety, on sturdy feet and on solid ground.