Tuesday, January 23, 2024

TV Review: Something Else — Frank Finds Out

TV Review from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

One genuinely enjoyable piece of British TV — entertaining without pandering to racial prejudice or mocking traditional working class stereotypes and of particular interest for its insight into the capitalist system — was screened on October 8. The programme Frank Finds Out was part of the Something Else series, made by young people: it related the adventures of a young unemployed person, confused as to the reason for his plight, setting off to London on his bike, no less.

Frank's object is not to find work but to discover who is responsible for his life being run against his own interests — “The Guilty Ones" as he calls them. His investigation of the various institutions working to perpetuate the current system was often hilarious and sometimes very pointed. On the Prime Minister he comments: 
She won't listen to your point of view if you've only got a couple of quid; try donating £30,000 to the Party, that should get you invited in for a cup of tea and a chat. 
The Royal baby (“Who's a lucky boy then?") is shown to want for nothing while workers" children live in varying degrees of poverty.

On capitalist production and the minority ownership of land, the film was trenchant in its satire. For example there was Mr. Capitaling. derived from the advertisement character Mister Kipling, making "exceedingly large turnovers" and using his inherited capital to make a surplus from the bakers and then reinvest his profit. His workers buy back a proportion of what they have produced but are compelled to return to the ovens next week, to repeat the whole process over again. And when the warehouses are full? “Simple", says Mr. Capitaling. "I close down the works" —- and here we see the now sad-faced bakers trudging dutifully to the Job Centre.

Another character, the "Villain", the embodiment of the "criminal element" in the working class, tells us that he is regarded as a "Wrongdoer" by most of society. He proceeds to show, however, that the real crime is that the land-owning class claim divine right of possession, whereas in fact they obtained their land not through currently accepted means — "Did Henry VIII go to his nearest estate agent and negotiate for St. James Park?" — but as part of an historical process of appropriation.

The "Villain" asks whether god gave these people the land or whether they just took it and concludes with the following indictment:
As Winston Churchill almost said. "Never before in the field of human con tricks, has so much been stolen from so many by so few".
Of course the presentation of the Queen, the Prime Minister, the High Court Judges, civil servants and multinational corporations as the enemy of "the Guilty" suggests that the removal of these institutions, even if possible under capitalism. would end problems like unemployment. This is false optimism: only the establishment of a society of free access to goods and services will do that.
PR, JG

Question Marx (1983)

'What did you put for question 7?'
From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The quotes below have been taken from some of the celebrated texts of the socialist movement and arranged in the form of a short multiple-choice quiz. Pit your wits against the forces of reaction and reformism, and discover in the process that not everything which labels itself (or is labelled) “Marxism”, actually is! Answers (with explanations) are found on a later page.

The first five questions all have to do with criticisms of the following passage:
The (...) workers' party, in order to pave the way to the solution of the social question, demands the establishment of producers’ co-operative societies with state aid under the democratic control of the toiling people. The producers' cooperative societies are to be called into being for industry and agriculture on such a scale that the socialist organisation of the total labour will arise from them.
1. To the ideas of which political figure does the following refer?

"In place of the existing class struggle appears a newspaper scribbler's phrase: ‘the social question , to the 'solution' of which one ‘paves the way’. Instead of arising from the revolutionary process of transformation of society, the ‘socialist organisation of the total labour’ ‘arises’ from the ‘state aid’ that the state gives to the producers’ co-operative societies and which the state, not the worker, 'calls into being'."
a) Mao Zedong
b) Joseph Stalin
c) Edouard Bernstein
d) Ferdinand Lassalle

2. To which country does this quotation make reference?

“From the remnants of a sense of shame, ‘state aid’ has been put - under the democratic control of the ‘toiling people’ [However,] the majority of the ‘toiling people* in consists of peasants, and not of proletarians."
a) Germany in 1875
b) France in 1848
c) Russia in 1917
d) China in 1950

3. The working class in which country is being indicated in the following passage?

“. . . ‘democratic’. . . means ‘by the rule of the people', but what does ‘under the control of the toiling people organised so as to rule themselves' mean? And particularly in the case of toiling people which, in making such demands on the slate, expresses its full consciousness that it neither rules nor is ripe for ruling!”
a) Russian workers before 1917
b) Russian workers after 1917
c) German workers in the third quarter of the 19th century
d) Spanish workers during the 1854 Revolution

4. What type of organisation is being indirectly criticised by the author?

“The chief offence does not lie in having inscribed this specific nostrum in the programme. but in taking, in general, a retrograde step from the standpoint of a class movement to that of a sectarian movement.”
a) Owenite communities (c. 1840)
b) National workshops (c. 1848)
c) An organisation of revolutionaries (c. 1902)
d) Workers’ soviets (c. 1917)

5. Who was the head of state in the regime referred to below?

“. . . a state which is nothing but a police-guarded military despotism, embellished with parliamentary forms, alloyed with a feudal admixture, already influenced by the bourgeoisie and bureaucratically carpentered . . . ”
a) Tsar Nicholas II
b) Kaiser Wilhelm I
d) Nikita Krushchev

6. “The indirect dependence of man on man, which is now the basic feature of conditions which are most fully developed economically, cannot be understood and explained from their own nature, but only as a somewhat transformed heritage of an earlier direct subjugation and expropriation."

Who made the above statement?
c) V. I. Lenin

7. “Recently, however, since         adopted state ownership, a certain spurious socialism has made its appearance - here and there even degenerating into a kind of flunkeyism - which declares that all taking over by the State, even the Bismarckian kind, is in itself socialistic."

To which political regime was the writer of these lines addressing himself?
a) Bismarck’s Prussia
b) Mussolini's Italy
c) The Bolshevik state
d) The Popular Front in France

8. “The publicistic (ie, public] right of an economic commune in its instruments of labour is an exclusive right of property at least as against every other economic commune and also as against society and the State. But this right is not to entitle the commune ‘to cut itself off from the outside world, for among the various communes there is freedom of movement and compulsory acceptance of new members on the basis of fixed laws and administrative regulations . . .”’

Which sort of economic organisation do you think most closely fits this description?
a) A commonly owned and democratically controlled world-wide system of wealth production and distribution
b) A system based on New Lanark-style factory communities (as in 19th- century Britain)
c) A collective farm in a proletarian state (for example Russia)
d) An advanced co-operative or people's commune during a protracted period of socialist transition (China)

9. The “equality in principle of economic rights does not exclude the voluntary addition to what justice requires, of an expression of special recognition and honor . . . Society honors itself, in distinguishing the higher types of work by a moderate additional allocation for consumption."

To whose ideas does this statement allude?
a) Deng Xiaoping
b) V. I. Lenin
c) Eugen Dühring

10. “On the world market gold and silver remain world money, a general means of purchase and payment, the absolute social embodiment of wealth. And this property of the precious metals gives the individual members of the economic communes a new motive to the accumulation of a hoard, to getting rich, to usury; the motive to act freely and independently of the commune outside its borders, and to realise on the world market the private wealth which they have accumulated."

What kind of society, in your opinion, is being discussed here?
a) A society of free access to the means of life
b) A system under the thumb of bankers and financiers
c) One variety or another or state capitalism
d) A traditional capitalist economic system

11. “Within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labour employed on the products appear as the value of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalist society, individual labour no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of the total labour."

How would you describe the type of social organism implied in the above passage?
a) One in which the state regulates production, pays wages to workers and turns a profit on investment
b) A society reorganised as a proletarian state, in which capital is accumulated for the benefit of the workers
c) One in which the bourgeoisie has been forcibly subdued by the proletariat and which is evolving into a communist society
d) A communist society, not as it has developed on its own basis, but as it is just issuing out of capitalist society

Answers and explanation on page 16

Answer key and explanatory notes. Since a score doesn't really prove that you understand a subject, the purpose of this quiz is not to have you tally up points but only to induce you to think a little. And since the quotations were all taken from either Marx's critique of the Gotha Programme or from the second and third sections of Engels' Anti-Dühring, it would be automatically impossible for any of the choices referring to persons living or events taking place after 1878 to be correct. Apart from this little technical (and historical) detail, however, many of the ideas which were articulated by Lenin and his followers and which have long been considered as forming part of the heritage of Marxism turn out to be the same ideas for which Marx and Engels reserved their harshest criticisms!

The answers are as follows:
1-d. (Although if you answered a, b or c, we can’t blame you.)

2-a. Russia and China were manifestly not ready for socialism at the time of their respective revolutions. However, you will note that neither the goal of merely establishing a bourgeois republic nor of overthrowing it and setting up a proletarian state in its place (both of which were successively advocated by Lenin) differs essentially from the formula put forward in the Gotha Programme, since “producers’ co-operative societies" is just a fancy term for factories, farms and other forms of socialised labour.

3-c. In German, “democratic” is volks-herrschaftlich. Marx was critical of the suggestion (here) that trade-unions are capable of ruling a capitalist state. “Rule" in economic terms means “administration of wealth"; it is the owners of the means of production who rule. Faced with such a large rival constituency as the (reformed) peasantry of Russia, the workers of Russia were in a poor position in 1917 to claim ownership of the means of production on behalf of society as a whole. Given that not even Lenin supported common ownership of the means of production for the Russian working class during his lifetime, and given also that he dismissed workers in general as being incapable of class-consciousness “by their own unaided efforts", both a and b are logically as well as historically impossible. (Spain, on the other hand, is a somewhat problematical case, with which we need not concern ourselves here.)

4-b. This refers, of course, to the 1848 Revolution in France and to Philippe Buchc in particular, a religiously oriented democrat who advocated the slogan (which Leninists have borrowed and called “socialist”) to the effect that “he who will not work shall not eat”. Marx, in other words, was raking the architects of the Gotha Programme over the coals for confusing economic with political objectives. “Sectarian" in this context means “parochial”; Marx was claiming that the Socialist Workers' Party —product of the uniting of Lassalle’s General German Workers’ Union and the Marxist Social-Democratic Workers' Party — ran a serious risk of losing its way in a labyrinth of economic projects — of becoming no more than a trade-union lobby. Robert Owen's efforts may have been amateurish, but —especially in his later years — he was certainly no glib-talking lobbyist. On the contrary, in Lenin's proletarian state, workers' soviets must necessarily serve only as a lobby for the “armed proletariat", while the “organisation of revolutionaries” (a euphemism for the Bolshevik Party) could only be promoted to a management position.

5-b. Like the Second French Republic, which could not break free of its Napoleonic, Orleanist and Legitimist inheritance, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic of Nikita Krushchev was (and remains) moulded along fundamentally Tsarist lines, so that in many respects this dictatorship of the secretariat promotes a kind of industrial neo-feudalism — as do its enthusiasts in Czechoslovakia. naturally.

6-d. If “political power springs from the barrel of a gun” (Mao Zedong), as a result of having “smashed” the “bourgeois state” (Lenin), then what have you got but a “somewhat transformed heritage” of state-administered capitalism, whether by force (Dühring) or by compromise (Berlinguer)? A revolution whose immediate effect is other than to abolish the wages system is not a socialist revolution.

7-a. All four regimes demonstrate some tendency toward state capitalism, to one degree or another. Lenin himself identified state ownership and management of the means of production with socialism, proving only that if you run a capitalist system, then you must be a capitalist — either that, or you're some kind of flunkey.

8-d. Herr Dühring’s federation of economic communes bears an uncanny resemblance (on paper) to Chairman Mao’s people's communes. Since, on the other hand, common ownership (communism, or socialism) gives you the moneyless, worldwide community of producers, it would be economically impossible for any one locality to live in isolation. By the same token, remaking capitalism in the image of Owen’s New Lanark experiment would spell ruin for production based on profit. (As for the proletarian state, see below. No. 11.)

9-c. Quoted by Engels, the statement might easily have come right out of one of the platitude-filled speeches of either Deng Xiaoping or Edward Gierek; whereas Lenin’s concession to “reality” (the New Economic Policy, state capitalism) conceals the emergence of a new class of bureaucrat-capitalists, who decidedly believe society should honour itself by honouring them.

10-b. “Free access" means exactly that: no money. You cannot get rich in a socialist society; you are already born that way. If, conversely, “economic commune” is just a glorious nickname for “city" or “town", or even for agrarian state capitalism, then we already have them (choices c and d).

11-d. The first three choices respectively describe aspects or consequences of a proletarian revolution according to Lenin. First of all, wages, prices and profits signify commodity exchange; secondly, a “proletarian state" is a chimera — capital can only be accumulated for the benefit of capitalists; and thirdly, the working class cannot “subdue” the capitalist class without by the very fact abolishing its own status and becoming itself transformed into “society as a whole". Marx and Lenin very obviously disagree on whether a communist society can simply “issue out of capitalist society" or must first “develop on its own basis”. What Lenin describes as a "higher” phase, that is, developed communist society, Marx specifically mentions as pertaining rather to its merely having come into existence. He saw it as a political decision which cannot be put off until some remote future date or made by anyone else except the working class — in contrast to Lenin, who gave this “task” to the Party as part of its "leading role" and spoke of it as requiring decades to carry out.
Ron Elbert
(World Socialist Party of the United States)


* Questions 1, 2, 4 and 5 are quoted from Selected Works. International Publishers, 1969 ed.; question 3. because of the inadequacy and awkwardness of the translation, has been here reworded so as to bring out the sense of the passage, which otherwise degenerates into a meaningless conundrum. Question 11 is taken from the same source.

** Questions 6 to 10 are taken from the 1972 ed. of the International Publisher's version.

Letter: "Can you be serious?" (1983)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

Dear Editors,

In your October issue you have written that reforms of capitalism have “no useful, permanent effect on workers' lives except that by delaying socialism, they worsen workers’ conditions”. Can you be serious? All the rights won by the working class and the foundations of its economic and political strength have been gained by actions which, since we do not yet have socialism, must come under the definition of "reforms of capitalism".

The transcendence of capitalism must be a dialectical transformation of quantity to quality, in other words, for the revolution in social relationships which we aim for to be possible, the conditions for such a revolution must be generated through progressive piecemeal change in all areas of society, economic, ideological, political — that is. they must be generated through reform. Unless the word “revolution” is aligned with such a conception, it is, obviously, a meaningless abstract. Yet your paper comes close to using the word “revolution” in this way in its attitude towards reformist proposals and any avowed socialists who advocate reform, like Tony Benn.

You may say your mistrust of Labour Party “reformists” is justified in the light of experience but your attitude towards figures like Benn topples over into ignorant dismissal of practical socialist reforms.

Your treatment of the Glasgow Media Group’s third report was an illustration of the poverty of this attitude. Their theme is the formation of consciousness — a central concern of your paper and one fundamental to the class struggle. It surely merited more detailed attention. It was declared to have “some value” but presumably because its compilers asked for reforms instead of calling for the Socialist Party to lead us to revolution, it was given short shrift.

This wholesale refusal to sympathise at least in part with other avowed socialists and to deny them serious critical attention can do no good, and to completely alienate your paper from reformist ideas is not socialist but reactionary, sectarian and damaging to your objectives.
James Daly 
Glasgow


Reply:
James Daly has misread the passage in the October Socialist Standard (p. 198 — reply to letter from Chris Cooke), which did not say that reforms have no effect except to worsen workers' conditions but that reformism has this effect — in this case, specifically the Right to Work Campaign.

Of course some reforms (although not by far as many as the reformists say) benefit the working class. Workers must constantly struggle against the inroads which capitalism threatens to make into their standards and to improve those standards, for example by class conscious trade union action. Socialists recognise that the freedom to discuss ideas and to form political parties is vital to the working class and to the existence of a socialist party. This cannot be said about the Right to Work Campaign, which can only divert workers’ energies away from the struggle for that ultimate “reform" — the radical solution to all the problems the reformists claim to deal with — of establishing socialism. If the object of that Campaign were to be achieved, the only result would be that more workers would be exploited in employment than is the case at present. Is that supposed to be a change towards socialism?

Workers should realise that, whatever reforms they may accept, they will not remove the basis of capitalism's problems and that the problems, in one form or another, will therefore continue. Anything which delays the establishment of socialism amounts to a worsening of working class conditions, to more intense exploitation. to ever more fearsome weapons of war.

There is no evidence to support the argument that every reform is a quantitative change and that when there have been enough of these they will amass into a qualitative change in society. The history of reformism shows that it confuses workers; it persuades them that they should use their political power to opt for reforming capitalism. in the belief that this society can be reformed out of its basic character. This amounts to an argument for the delay of socialism, when all facts point to the conclusion that socialism is an immediate need. Socialism cannot happen by capitalism being reformed out of existence; it will happen through the act of a politically aware working class who understand that only socialism can set up a world based on production for human need and free access.

Our review of Really Bad News (October Socialist Standard, p. 197) was in fact an example of socialist critical attention; we recognised the merits of the Glasgow Media Group but also its limitations. How else should we deal with such groups? We apply the same style to that prominent member of the capitalist Labour Party, that man who has willingly served as a member of Labour governments which have run capitalism — Tony Benn. We have published much material in these columns, exposing Benn as another supporter of capitalism and there is no point in repeating any of it here, save to say that we don’t simply make assertions on the matter; we back our arguments up with evidence such as Benn's own words. It is people like James Daly, who persist, despite all the evidence, in their faith that Benn is a socialist who are reactionary, sectarian and damaging to the objective of the establishment of socialism.
Editors.

Letter: Attractive Outsiders (1983)

Letter to the Editors from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

Dear Editors,

I am attracted to the SPGB as an alternative to left wing parties that suggest everyone has the "right to work", that the Soviet Union is potentially less harmful than America, that support the IRA, that want to gain power for ultimately financial reasons, etc. Trendy students wearing lapel badges and make-up (if male) who advocate the slaughter of everyone whose house is larger than their own (while “actively" backing Lord Stansgate for "President") have laughably shallow conviction and false opinions.

I have never dreamed of aligning myself with a political party before now, because I have wanted nothing to do with boosting the egos and wage packets of those who pretend to have a "social conscience”. Because the SPGB works outside the current political arena, I would like to know more. Your principles and object, as stated, have set me thinking, and these arc the questions which spring to mind regarding SPGB policy:
  • Is the SPGB an idealist organisation?
  • Even in an ideal world, how could the Irish problem be resolved?
  • By "entering the field of political action’’ would the SPGB be creating a revolution, fighting an election, or theorising in TV debates?
  • In the SPGB’s socialist world, who would live in the biggest houses?
  • What would happen if someone rejected the socialist work ethic to the extent of refusing to "work to his own capability”?
  • How docs socialism differ from theoretical communism?
  • And anarchist libertarianism?
  • In a society without currency, how could greed and jealousy be eradicated?
Yours in good spirit.
Derek Hammond 
Birmingham
(This letter has been slightly abridged - Editors)


Reply:
The SPGB is a party made up exclusively of conscious socialists. We have no leaders and any member who does a job for the party (like editing the Socialist Standard) does so as a delegate, under the vigilant control of the membership. So there are no careers to be made in the SPGB - and no careerists.

We are in fact in the political arena but we are hostile to all other parties. We aim at the capture of political power and, when we can afford it in terms of money and member power, we contest elections. The SPGB won’t create a revolution; we are the political instrument which the working class will use. when they understand socialism, to establish the new society. At that point the world's socialist parties will cease to exist, for with the establishment of a classless society political parties will be made redundant. So the SPGB will never "take power".

Socialists are materialists; we reject all religious, idealist theories and instead interpret human affairs by reference to the prevailing mode of wealth production. That is the basis of social ideas and morals, and not the other way around. We don’t regard some ideas as "bad" and others as "good". We don't think capitalism is "immoral", only that it has been an essential phase in historical development, that it has now outlived its usefulness and operates against human interests. It must be abolished, if humanity is to progress.

Socialists don’t set out to solve the "Irish problem" in isolation, nor any other of the conflicts and crises of property society. The roots of the Irish conflict lie, typically, in a ruling class dispute over which group of robbers should have the right to exploit the human labour power and the natural resources of the place. The bigotries which — again typically — were stimulated by each side in this struggle have now virtually taken over to the point at which the original conflict has become obscured. Socialism will have no class division, no class interests, no religious bigotries, no unnatural national barriers; problems like the conflict in Ireland simply won’t happen because they won't be able to.

In socialism all people will have free access to however much wealth they need — or want — to consume. There will be no class or individual ownership of wealth so no one will think in terms of “my" house or "your" car; such words will be meaningless. If someone wants or needs to live in a bigger house there is no reason why this should not happen; people will have all sorts of preferences and socialism will not have artificial barriers of property to prevent them being realised. In such a social system there will also be no concepts like greed and jealousy, which again are based in the restrictions and inequalities of a property society. There will also, of course, be no such concept as generosity, which again springs from a society which denies access to wealth to the majority of people.

Socialism will be an extremely hard working society. Under the incentive of contributing to the common good, all humans will co-operate happily and productively. If there are a few who need or desire to stand outside the general satisfaction at doing useful work they will present socialist society with no problem; the choice will be theirs. They will, simply, be carried by the rest of society and have the same free access to society’s goods as the rest (even capitalism can carry millions of people who do no productive work, like bank clerks, salespeople, soldiers, judges, lawyers . . .)

The socialist movement is a political organisation with the object of capturing power over the state machine to use it to establish another social system. That is very different from the fragmented idea of the anarchist. Socialism and communism are words with the same meaning but we obviously don’t need to tell Derek Hammond that the so-called communist countries are in fact capitalist states and have absolutely nothing to do with socialism.
Editors.

50 Years Ago: Monetary Policy No Cure
 For Unemployment (1983)

The 50 Years Ago column from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The Socialist Programme, published by the Independent Labour Party in November 1923. tells us that
general unemployment has nothing to do with tariffs or free trade. It is determined by the monetary policy pursued by a country and not by its tariff policy.
So they looked round to see if they could find some countries pursuing an ILP monetary policy: and sure enough they found several.
That is shown by the fact of unemployment in the world today. There is none to speak of in France and Belgium, very little in Italy, nor has there been ever since the war. Why? Because the Government and central banks of those countries have never restricted credit and thus destroyed the purchasing power of a large part of their population.
America, according to the ILP. was not merely perfect, it was better than perfect; not only no unemployment, but a shortage of labour.
The banks have lent freely, and there is now an actual shortage of labour . . . There is no unemployment and no depression in the United States today.
The ILP was. of course, largely wrong about its facts and wholly wrong about the effects of applying its capitalist credit theories. In due course they had to admit this, and a writer in the New Leader said of the American banking system:
I gather from some enquiries that we in England have gravely overestimated the scientific work of this banking organisation.
(BrailsfordNew Leader 28 February 1928)

(From article "Lands Without Unemployment" — Socialist Standard. January 1933)

Monday, January 22, 2024

Lenin's Distortion of Marxism (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

The greatest single movement to confuse and distort the ideas of Marxism has been Leninism. The false assertion that Russia. China, Kampuchea, Albania et al are examples of Marxism in practice is not only a distortion of the works of Marx, but is a means of discrediting the socialist objective. To support the revolutionary socialist aim of Marxism is to oppose fundamentally the Bolshevik outlook of Lenin; the absurd ideological construction of Marxist-Leninism is as meaningful as Christian-Atheism or Conservative-Radicalism.

Apart from the Socialist Party of Great Britain, virtually all of the parties, groups and factions which claim to be Marxists would also claim to be Leninists. In fact, they are Leninists and as such they are not only opponents of Marxism, but enemies of the socialist objective. Of course, most of the members have not read the forty-two volumes of Lenin's collected works — they have probably not even come across the statements from Lenin which are quoted in this article. It is not against workers who have misguidedly joined the ranks of the Leninist Left that this article is directed, but against Leninism as an anti-socialist dogma which must be rejected before working class political consciousness can be achieved.

To understand the basic opposition between Marxism and Leninism it is necessary to make clear what it means to be a Marxist. Starting from the recognition that there is nothing inevitable about the chaotic mess which the world is in. Marxists reject the myth that the horrifying social problems of capitalism, such as mass poverty and war and starvation, must always exist: the narrow conservatism which claims that there is no alternative to the perverse “civilisation” of the bomb and the dole queue is dismissed on the grounds that all things change; social arrangements, however ‘natural' they may seem to be, do not remain static. The Marxist outlook presupposes that the social problems which upset the lives of the mass of humanity today are not caused by inefficient governments or weaknesses of ‘human nature’; their cause is the social system of capitalism, where wealth is produced for sale on the market with a view to profit rather than for human needs. The Marxist analysis of capitalism points to the existence of two great classes: the capitalists, who possess but do not produce, and the workers, who produce but do not possess. Capitalism and its attendant problems can only be destroyed by conscious working class action. Marxism is a theory of class struggle: the abolition of the profit system was not posed by Marx as an appealing moral ideal, but as the only class interest of the majority class in the society — the workers. It is fundamental to Marxism that only the workers can solve our own problems:
The emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class themselves. (Marx, preamble to the Rules of the First International. )
Marx had no doubt that workers could enact our own class emancipation. Allied to the struggle to end capitalism. Marxism is concerned with the struggle to establish the next stage of human history: socialism or communism. For Marx the two terms meant exactly the same thing. What do Marxists mean by socialism or communism? A system of society based on the common ownership and democratic control of the means of producing and distributing wealth — factories, offices, mines, docks, farms. Common ownership does not mean state ownership: the state is the executive committee of the capitalist class and when wealth is commonly owned there can be no classes and therefore no state. For convenience, we may summarise the principles of Marxism as follows:
  1. That change is constant and present conditions (capitalism) are not inevitable.
  2. That capitalism is the cause of social problems today.
  3. That workers can and must emancipate ourselves by taking conscious political action to end the profit system.
  4. That socialism/communism is an objective worth working for because it will mean the rational utilisation of the earth's resources for the use of the earth's inhabitants.
Marxists may be wrong in holding these principles: if so, the opponents of Marxism are keeping conspicuously quiet about it. Instead of applying their ‘‘talents" to producing a convincing critique of Marxism, the avowed opponents of Marxism spend their energies and money on the far easier task of attacking the theory of Leninism. In so doing they win millions of workers to the cause of anti-Marxism. Professional anti-Marxists refer to “Marxist Russia”. Why shouldn't they — after all, according to the Communist Party of Great Britain,
Today socialism is a reality for all to see. Countries with a population of hundreds of millions are socialist states. (The British Road to Socialism)
The media refers to a “Marxist government" in Poland which locks up trade unionists — and a “Marxist President" in Zimbabwe who has declared strikes illegal — and “Marxist" tendencies in the Labour Party which operate in secret and devote their political energies to revolutionary exercises like threatening to take the NEC to Court. The media did not invent these pseudo-Marxists. Neither did they invent Stalin or Budapest in 1956 or Prague in 1968 or Gdansk more recently. How are workers expected to respond to such examples of Leninism, presented in the name of Marxism? Understandably, for very many workers Marxism is a dirty word: talk to them about what Marxism and socialism really mean and, quite understandably, they will tell you that Marxism sounds alright in theory, but. . .

As soon as we begin to compare the ideas of Lenin the Bolshevik with those of Marx the socialist it becomes clear that Leninism has been tried and failed, while Marxism is still a method of social analysis and change which is of immense value to the working class.

It cannot be over-emphasised that for Marx socialist revolution meant working class self-emancipation. Socialism could not be established for the workers by a party or an advanced minority. Previous, capitalist revolutions could not be looked to as models for socialist revolution; as Marx wrote in The Communist Manifesto
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority in the interests of the immense majority.
Note the emphases: self-conscious — carried out by men and women who are not mere followers, but who know what they want and know how to get it; independent — a movement for workers of workers; immense majority — it must involve most workers. Lenin fundamentally rejected the idea of working class self-emancipation:
Socialist consciousness cannot exist among the workers. This can tie introduced only from without. (What Is To Be Done?)
According to Lenin, the “immense majority" simply “cannot” become “self-conscious”; they would have to wait for such consciousness to be brought to them "from without”, from the Bolshevik vanguard or the CP or the SWP or the IMG or the WRP or some other band of arrogant leaders who think that they have acquired knowledge about society which the rest of the working class “cannot” understand. Rejecting Marx’s idea of an independent movement of a majority of class conscious workers, Lenin advocated “revolutionary leadership":
If Socialism can only he developed when the intellectual development of all the people permits it. then we shall not see socialism for at least five hundred years. The Socialist political party, which is the vanguard of the working class, must not allow itself to be halted by the lack of education of the mass average, but must lead the masses . . . (Lenin at the Congress of Peasants’ Soviets, 1918)
We do not need to guess about what Marx’s response would have been to such arrogant political talk; in Marx's day there were just the same kind of would-be leaders hanging around the German Socialist Workers’ Party this is what he said of them:
We cannot . . . co-operate with people who openly state that the workers are too uneducated to emancipate themselves and must be freed from above . . . (Marx/Engels, Circular letter to German socialists, 1875.)
“People’s Tsarism”
The seizure of power by the Bolshevik minority in October 1917 turned Leninism from an ideology into a political regime. The failure of the Bolsheviks to establish socialism “from above" was inevitable because the material conditions did not exist in Russia to allow anything but capitalism to develop. The Leninists called their dictatorship of the party a dictatorship of the proletariat. The modern Leninists have followed them in this mythology; for example, a pamphlet entitled The Struggle for Socialism (sold by the Socialist Workers’ Party) misinforms its readers that
For the first time in history the majority of the population democratically ruled and working people themselves determined their own future and destiny.
If this statement were true, then it would be rather perverse that “working people", having acquired the power to determine “their own future and destiny” should have decided (democratically, no doubt) that what they would like more than anything else would be to live under a one-party dictatorship. The Bolshevik Zinoviev who, unlike the fantasists of the SWP was actually in Russia at the time, was rather more candid about the nature of "Bolshevik democracy":
We have 500,000 Party members who manage the entire state machine from top to bottom.
Half a million out of one hundred and thirty million ran Russia from top to bottom and the SWP claim that “the majority of the population democratically ruled". Lenin also was quite open about the minority revolution of the Bolsheviks:
Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Tsarism dominated the 130 million Russian peasants, so 20,000 members of the Bolshevik party are imposing their proletarian will on the mass, but this time in the interests of the latter. (Lenin, The New International, April, 1918.)
But Tsarism did not pretend to be socialism; the massive distortion of Leninism was that it continued the undemocratic forms of Tsarism, claiming that this was socialism. So far did the distortion go that Lenin was even able to write that
There is . . . absolutely no contradiction . . . between Soviet (that is, socialist) democracy and the exercise of dictatorial powers by individuals.
The Communist parties of the world, which were set up in response to the Bolshevik success, exist to defend the Leninist distortion of Marxism and socialism. Just as the Tories in Britain defend the mighty power of capital as being a "property-owning democracy", so the Russian nationalists of the CP regard the tyranny of the CPSU as being “socialism for all to see". In fact, all that they are defending is the class power of the "Communist" bureaucratic elite.

The Leninists of today are not content to defend the awful monument to Bolshevism which exists in Russia and China; they still maintain that the old Bolshevik methods of minority action present the only serious strategy for establishing socialism. According to the SWP.
the form of government adopted by the Russian workers over half a century ago has . . . been successfully applied by every revolutionary workers' movement since 1917. (The Struggle for Socialism)
The present writer wrote over three years ago to ask the SWP for information about where these successful revolutions have taken place; the “vanguard” has yet to reply.

The Leninist distortion of Marxism is not only a matter of strategy; it is often said that "you socialists are all after the same basic thing, but you go different ways about getting it”. In one sense this is true, insofar as most workers on the Left do want a society where the problems of capitalism no longer exist. But then, so do most vicars and most boy scouts and most of the workers who oppose Marxism. Unity of sentiment is one thing; unity of political consciousness is another. In fact, most Leninists would pay lip service to the Objects of the SPGB, but spend their time advocating the absurd Leninist conception of socialism. According to Lenin, socialism means capitalism run in the interest of the exploited class:
We are for . . . regulation of production and distribution in the interests of the poor, the toilers and the exploited against the exploiters.
If, under Leninist rule, the exploited are going to regulate affairs in their own class interest, “against the exploiters", then one is left wondering why those who are regulating things continue allowing the exploiters to go on exploiting their masters. If the poor are to be powerful, why are they still the poor? There are a number of workers in Russia asking just such questions. According to Lenin’s Orwellian logic, socialism is “nothing else but a monopoly of state capitalism instituted for the benefit of all the people”. (Lenin, Collected Works. Vol. 26, p-.26I.) In short, Leninists advocate state possession of the productive and distributive machinery, as opposed to common ownership and democratic control.

Leninists become very upset when their pseudo-socialist nations are exposed as being state capitalist. The Leninists should read Lenin and they would discover that capitalism was his objective:
. . . state capitalism would be a step forward . . . If in approximately six months' time state capitalism became established in our Republic, this would be a great success and a sure guarantee that within a year socialism will have gained a permanently firm hold . . . (The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It)
Leninists today advocate schemes for nationalisation in the name of Marxism. State capitalism and private capitalism are two sides of the same capitalist coin.

That Lenin distorted Marxism is beyond question. It is not with academic enthusiasm that Marxists expose this distortion; to us, political knowledge is power and confusion can serve to set the struggle back by years. Marxists are hostile to the reactionary political theory of Leninism for, by employing the rhetoric of socialism it serves as a fraudulent defence for the state capitalist tyrannies which oppress millions of workers in our age. If in the year which marks the hundredth anniversary of Marx’s death we can succeed in clearing the confusion of Leninism from the working class movement we will have achieved a major step forward in the struggle for majority socialist understanding.
Steve Coleman


Blogger's Note:
Mark Shipway, from the Council Communist group Wildcat, replied to this article in the April 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard.

Correction (1983)

From the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard

With reference to "added value" (in the article "Promised Land" last month) it should be pointed out that this is the total new wealth created by the workers in the productive process. This is then divided into the wages and salaries paid to workers, and the surplus value received and accumulated by the capitalist class.
Editors.

SPGB Meetings (1983)

Party News from the January 1983 issue of the Socialist Standard



A recording of Eddie Grant's meeting 'Are world unity and cultural diversity compatible?' - from the SPGB's Socialism as a Practical Alternative Weekend School - is available at the following link.

A False Dawn

On this day in history a hundred years ago the Labour Party formed its first (minority) government.

Posted below are a selection of articles from the Socialist Standard from that period covering both the 1923 General Election and the duration (and aftermath) of that first Labour administration: 
  • Jan 1924: After The Poll.
  • Feb 1924: Editorial - A "Socialist" Government.
  • Mar 1924: Editorial - Peace At Any Price!
  • Apr 1924: Fake Labour Government. The puppet show.
  • Jun 1924: The Fraud of Reform.
  • Jul 1924: The Capitalist Housing Bill.
  • Jul 1924: The Labour Party Votes for Strike-Smashing Bill.
  • Aug 1924: Editorial - Labour Rules The Empire With Bombs and Bullets. 
  • Sep 1924: Editorial - Reparations or Revolution.
  • Nov 1924: Editorial - The Great Sham Fight at the Polls
  • Dec 1924: How Labour Ruled Mespot.
  • Apr 1925: A review of "The Diplomacy of Mr. Ramsay MacDonald".
  • Aug 1929: Mr. Wheatley's Lapse.

Sunday, January 21, 2024

Voice From The Back: Land of the Free (2008)

The Voice From The Back Column from the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard

Land of the Free

Behind all the bombast of “land of the free, home of the brave” national anthem in the USA lies a sinister reality. “From the 1880s to the 1960s, at least 4,700 men and women were lynched in this country. The noose remains a terrifying symbol, and continues to be used by racists to intimidate African-Americans (who made up more than 70 percent of lynching victims). In the past decade or so, only about a dozen noose incidents a year came to the attention of civil rights groups. But since the huge Sept. 20 rally in Jena, La., where tens of thousands protested what they saw as racism in the prosecution of six black youths known as the ‘Jena 6,’ this country has seen a rash of as many as 50 to 60 noose incidents. Last Tuesday, for example, a city employee in Slidell, La., was fired after being accused of hanging a noose at a job site a few days earlier. These incidents are worrying, but even more so is the social reality they reflect. The level of hate crimes in the United States is astoundingly high — more than 190,000 incidents per year, according to a 2005 Department of Justice study.” (New York Times, 25 November)


Death in a Harsh Society

The latest figures on deaths in winter make for harsh reading and illustrate the fate awaiting many British workers when they are unable to work anymore. “More than 23,000 people died of cold last winter despite it being one of the mildest recorded, according to the Office for National Statistics. Of these deaths, 19,200 were among those aged 75 and over. Charities called it a ‘national scandal’ and gave warning of more deaths this winter because of higher fuel prices and colder temperatures.” (Times, 29 November)


Heiress On The Run

She was left $12 million but it was a mixed blessing as she received threats from blackmailers and kidnappers. “Their threats forced concerned friends to bundle her onboard a private jet under a new identity and take her into hiding. Her location is a closely guarded secret but she is reportedly living somewhere in Florida under 24 hour guard.” (Times, 4 December) It is reported that her annual upkeep is $300,000 but this includes a rotating security team. Oh, did we mention she has weekly grooming visits and has to visit the vet for her liver condition? Yes, the vet! For she is a white Maltese dog called Trouble whose former owner was the hotel tycoon Leona Helmsley. Go on tell us that capitalism isn’t crazy!


Old Age Fears

In so-called primitive societies that practiced a hunting-gathering existence, the elderly were protected and respected as knowledgeable members of the group. In modern capitalism the old are looked upon as a burden as can be seen from these findings. “Britons are living in fear of growing old in a society that fails to respect the over-65s or provide adequate support for those in need, a Guardian poll reveals today. …The ICM poll found: 40% of Britons fear being lonely in their old age. Two thirds of the adult population are ‘frightened’ by the prospect of having to move into a care home; More than 90% said they knew they could not survive on the state pension and would need to rely on savings.” (Guardian, 3 December)


Promises, Promises

Back in 1999 the then Prime Minister, Tony Blair promised to halve the number of poor children in 10 years and eradicate child poverty in 20 years. “The government’s approach to tackling child poverty has lost momentum and is in ‘urgent need’ of a major rethink, a charity has said. A Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) report said there has been no sustained progress in the past three years. One in three UK children live in poverty. A report by the Treasury select committee fears the pledge to halve child poverty by 2010 is in doubt.” (BBC News, 3 December) This is typical of reformist politicians – make promises, preferably far into the future and they will probably be forgotten when the next election comes along.


The Price of Gold

About a quarter of a million mineworkers downed tools on Tuesday in South Africa, the world’s top producer of gold and platinum. “This year’s death toll has reached 200, mostly owing to rock falls and explosions in several mines. Many mines have been unchanged for decades but recently reopened, thanks to high world prices that have made them profitable again.” (Times, 5 December) The miners are concerned about the lack of safety in the mining industry which one striker described as “dripping in blood”. The average wage of a miner in South Africa is about $200 a month. None of them will be wearing gold or diamonds, that is for sure.

The nature of human nature (2008)

From the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard
The cultural anthropologist Ashley Montagu once said that what cultural anthropologists were really interested in was “the nature of human nature”. So what do they think it is?
Today, all humans are members of the same species, homo sapiens. We know what our main features are: upright position freeing our hands, stereoscopic vision allowing us to see things in three dimensions, a long period of growing up, the anatomical ability to utter a wide range of sounds, and, last but not least, a powerful brain as the centre of our nervous system. These are all genetic features, inherited via our genes, and are what distinguishes us, genetically, from other animals and living things.

Before us there were other species of homo (Man) but which are now extinct. The most well-known of these was Neanderthal Man which only became extinct about 30,000 or so years ago. Then there were the likely direct ancestors of our species: homo habilis (which Richard Dawkins translates as “handy Man”) and homo erectus or upright Man. The currently available evidence suggested that the first Man, as distinct from the last Ape-Man, emerged about two million years ago.

But this is partly a question of definition since biologists distinguish the first Man from the last Ape-Man by brain size – an inevitably arbitrary, genetic distinction. Anthropologists have introduced another but non-biological distinction: the generalised making and use of tools. While the ability to make tools depends on biology (free hands, good eyesight, more powerful brain)  the actual making of the tools – and what they were and how they were used – does not; it is learned not inherited and, as such, part of what anthropologists call “culture”.

It is now generally accepted that the evolution of homo habilis  (toolmaking Man, if you don’t like Dawkins’s translation) into modern humans was not just a question of biology but also of culture; that it was a biological-cultural co-evolution. That, as Man made and used tools, natural selection favoured those with a more powerful brain and so a greater ability to learn and, crucially, to think abstractly (i.e. of something not present to the senses). Since abstract thinking and language are probably indissolubly linked, this depended on the development of the vocal cords and other parts of our speech organs. The end-result was us, some 150,000 years ago, on the savannah, or open grasslands, of East Africa.

Since then the most noticeable biological change was the development of the different varieties of our species – sometimes mis-called “races” – as isolated groups of homo sapiens adapted biologically through natural selection, over many thousands of years, to the different physical environments in which they lived.

Otherwise human adaptation has been cultural rather than biological: humans making use of their biological capacities, to build-up a social tradition so as to better adapt to their environment, which is then passed on to a new generation through teaching and learning rather than through genes.

“Cultural anthropology is concerned with the study of man’s cultures. By ‘culture’ the anthropologist understands what may be called the man-made part of the environment; the pots and pans, the laws and institutions, the art, religion, philosophy. Whatever a particular group of people living together as a functioning population have learned to do as human beings, their way of life, in short, is to be regarded as culture” (Ashley Montagu, Man: His First Million Years, 1957).

Culture allows humans to adapt to a new or changing environment much, much more rapidly than biological adaptation through natural selection ever could. Cultural adaptation is measured in decades while biological adaptation is measured in tens of thousands of years. Other animals do have a culture in the sense of a tradition of behaviour that is passed on through learning, but none can vary and develop it as humans can. So, the capacity for adaptation through cultural change can be said to be a distinguishing feature of our species. It is of course a biologically-determined capacity, dependent upon in particular a powerful brain and the capacity to speak and on the extended period of childhood during which culture can be learned.

This is “human nature”: the set of biological capacities enabling humans to learn, teach and develop culture, which is a non-biological means of adapting to the environment in which they find themselves. Faced with a new environment, humans can and do adapt their behaviour not their biological make-up. Because culture is non-biological and not fixed, the cultural anthropologists emphasised that educability, behavioural adaptability and flexibility was the key feature of human nature, what made us human:

“The most notable thing about human behaviour is that it is learned. Everything a human being does as such he has to learn from other human beings. From any dominance of  biologically or inherited predetermined reactions that may prevail in the behaviour of other animals, man has moved into a zone of adaptation in which his behaviour is dominated by learned responses. It is within the dimension of culture, the learned, the man-made part of the environment that man grows, develops, and has his being as a behaving organism” (Ashley Montagu, Man and Aggression, 1968).

This biological capacity for culture, for learning behaviour and passing on to other humans and to other generations, was clearly an adaptive advantage and it is this that has allowed our species to spread and survive in all parts of the world, despite the widely differing environments. Much less of the behaviour of other animals is learned (and what is learned is essentially repetitive from generation to generation) and much more is governed by what used to be called “instincts”.

This is a word that has long fallen out of favour in scientific circles, but it would simply denote a fixed response to a given stimulus – like the literal knee-jerk reaction in humans. Or moths flying into lights. Another, more complicated response would be squirrels reacting to the shortening of periods of daylight by going into hibernation.

What the brain does is to allow a period between the stimulus and the response. The more developed the brain the wider the range of possible behavioural responses that the organism can make on the basis of its own past experience. We are the animals with the most developed brain and it is one that allows us the greatest choice of behavioural responses. So much so, the cultural anthropologists argued, that it can be said that we don’t really have any instincts. According to Montagu, any “instincts” that might have existed in the pre-human ape-men from which we evolved would have disappeared in the course of evolution:
“Instead of leading to fixed responses to the environment, man’s evolution has been such as to make him the least behaviourally fixed and most generally educable or plastic of all living creatures. It is this very plasticity of his mental traits that confers upon man the position he occupies. The acquisition of this capacity freed man from the constraint of the limited range of biologically predetermined responses that characterises all other animals” (Human Heredity, 1963 edition)

“ . . . man is man because he has no instincts because everything he is and has become he has learned, acquired, from his culture, from the man-made part of his environment, from other human beings” (Man and Aggression).
The scientific consensus that was established in the 1940s, 50s and 60s was that it was “human nature” to be able to have a wide range of  behavioural responses to the environment; that human behaviour was learned not innate; that it was culturally not biologically determined. This was confirmation that there is nothing in the biological nature of humans that would prevent us living in the co-operative, non-hierarchical, society of self-motivated individuals that socialism would be.

Since then the biological determinists have regrouped and counter-attacked, claiming that there still are “biologically predetermined responses” in humans. They have made some headway in that biological determinism is more intellectually acceptable than it was fifty years ago. People like Konrad Lorenz, Robert Ardrey, Desmond Morris, E. O. Wilson, Richard Dawkins and Steven Pinker  – none of them anthropologists – have been able to achieve some popular success. But they have only done this by playing to the gallery, exploiting the fact that most people have a negative view of human nature – inherited from the Christian dogma of original sin and innate human depravity – and knowing that they could sell their books by pandering to this prejudice. Ardrey, Morris and Pinker also appealed to anti-intellectualism to ridicule and marginalise the scientific findings of the cultural anthropologists by painting them as an arrogant, liberal elite.

But they have failed to show how genes could determine human behaviour (as opposed to setting limits to it). Basically, genes are self-replicating codes for the production of the proteins in the cells of which we (and all other life-forms) are made. What they govern is the development and renewal of our physical, material bodies. They don’t govern behaviour – that depends, as the cultural anthropologists have established, on our social and cultural environment.

The biological determinists hoped that advances in genetics would back up their case, but it is proving to be their undoing. Molecular biologists are making huge advances in identifying and discovering the effect of individual human genes. And they are not discovering genes for any behaviour, only for how the human body develops and renews itself – and what happens when a gene is faulty or abnormal or unusual. In which case the person concerned will suffer some, usually crippling bodily defect, but which genetics holds out the hope of someday being able to correct.

The findings of the cultural anthropologists still stand. All human social behaviour has to be learned and so is culturally not biologically determined. A key distinguishing feature of our species is behavioural adaptability. Human nature is not a barrier to socialism.
Adam Buick

Cooking the Books: Bottom line building (2008)

The Cooking the Books column from the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard

Like everyone else with an email address we get loads of spam. Most go straight into the trash can, but the subject of one – “Crack Patient Paying Problems with these Helpful Hints” – caught our eye. It turned out to be a plug for an audio-conference in America on “Tried-and-True Ways To Get Chiropractic Patients to Hand Over Their Dues”. The message began:
“Getting patients to pay their bills at your chiropractic office isn’t always the most successful part of the visit. And even a handful of patients who don’t pay their bills can start adding up – and hurting your practice’s bottom line. But you can learn less-stressful way to collect pays, deductibles and co-insurance in this 1-hour session. Your expert speaker, Marty Kotlar, DC, CHCC, CBCS, will provide strategic advice on everything from gathering patient information to forming an office policy explaining the patients’ financial obligations. Don’t miss this bottom-line-building session . . .”
Chiropractics is an “alternative medicine” that is regarded by most conventional doctors as quackery (it is based on the idea that by manipulating the spine you can deal with ailments in other parts of the body, a bit like reflexology claims for manipulating your toes). But that’s not the point since no doubt teleconferences also take place in America about how conventional doctors can boost their bottom lines too – except that it does not fit in with the caring image that “alternative medicines” seek to cultivate as a way of attracting paying customers.

In Britain NHS doctors – and patients – are freed from this stress since the doctor’s fees are paid to them directly by the government. Not a solution, we imagine, that Marty Kotlar will be proposing in his teleconference, even though chiropractors in Britain would dearly like to get in on the act and even though doctors’ practices in Britain are, with government encouragement, going the American way and converting themselves into profit-seeking businesses. Of course to the extent that they take on private patients these medical businesses do face the problem of getting patients to pay up, as do unrecognised “alternative” practitioners and NHS dentists. So perhaps, after all, they could learn something from listening in to Marty Kotlar’s “bottom-line-building session”.

Most people, in Britain at least, find it abhorrent that people should have to pay for medical treatment and health care. And they’re right; if you are ill, you should get treatment whether or not you can afford to pay for it. Socialists go further. We say the same as-of-right access to what you need should apply across the board, to housing, heating, electricity, food, clothes, transport, entertainment.

But this will only be possible once the means for producing these things have become the common property of the community as a whole instead of being, as at present, provided by profit-seeking businesses owned by rich individuals, corporations or states.

Letter: Silly ceremony (2008)

Letter to the Editors from the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard

Dear Editors,

I, […], do solemnly, sincerely and truly declare and affirm that on becoming a British citizen, I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second, her Heirs and successors, according to law.”

The above is the Affirmation of Allegiance required to be taken by applicants for British citizenship, at one of New Labour’s more inane gifts to the nation, the Citizenship Ceremony. Any applicant for British citizenship has to attend such a ceremony within six months of their application being accepted. Failure to do so means that one’s application is deemed unsuccessful, and that the whole tortuous process must be started again.

I recently found myself attending such a ceremony as a guest, struggling to keep a straight face as the Lord Mayor of Bristol, in his full regalia, informed us, while standing in front of a picture of the Queen, that, in Britain, “No-one is above the law.”

Twenty-three new citizens, plus their guests, were present to hear the Lord Mayor eulogise about the Greatness of Britain and its democratic institutions. Tellingly, however, he opened his speech by reiterating a couple of questions from the Citizenship Test (analogous to the Theory component of a driving test), which all of the new Citizens were required to have passed before reaching this stage. Unaccountably, not one of them could remember the literal meaning of Prime Minister or how many members the Welsh Assembly has.

I took some small encouragement from the fact that slightly more citizens chose to take the Affirmation of Allegiance, rather than the Oath (which beings, “I […] swear by Almighty God). However, the overall effect reminded me of nothing more than a school assembly, with a hall full of bored students intoning words to prayers which they find more or less meaningless.

And this, of course, is the point. The whole process has less to do with “citizenship” per se than with reminding workers who have often overcome massive difficulties and obstructions in order to be allowed to settle here (admittedly not the case for the person whose guest I was) of precisely who is the boss, and showing that they are expected to be good little boys and girls.

Needless to say the proceedings ended with the playing of the National Anthem. Not wishing to embarrass my partner, I confess that I did stand up for the wretched dirge (albeit with my fingers firmly crossed throughout!).

Surely the world can be organised more sanely than this? Why should it not be the birthright of every human being to settle in any part of our planet (or even to continuously travel around it, should one so require), and be accepted as an equal member of one’s community without having to participate in silly ceremonies to prove one’s worthiness to do so? Why should we have to swear (or affirm or whatever) Allegiance to anyone? As Leon Rosselson wrote in his song “The World Turned Upside Down”, “This world was made a common treasury, for everyone to share.” However, until the world’s working class unites consciously and politically to ensure that the treasury can indeed be shared, a minority class with retain control and the rest of us will continue to be expected to be grateful when we’ve passed enough of their patronising “tests” (and, of course, have sufficient funds) to be able to relocate from one part of the planet to another.
Shane Roberts,
Bristol.

Simon the Sociobiologist (2008)

From the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard



Obituary: Edmund Grant (2008)

Eddie speaking from the Party platform in the 1950s.
Obituary from the January 2008 issue of the Socialist Standard

Edmund Grant, a life-long member, died, at the end of November after being incapacitated and out of circulation for the past six years. His father was a Party member and he himself joined in 1950 at the age of 16 and was a member of successive North London branches. As a conscientious objector to “national service” in the State’s killing machine, he was ordered to work instead in Colney Hatch psychiatric hospital. Partly brought up in Argentina, he was a fluent Spanish speaker and also spoke other European languages, which helped him find employment as a shipping clerk. Later he was employed by Remploy. He was a member of the Executive Committee for many years and the Party’s candidate at the 1964 and 1970 General Elections. He spoke outdoors, at Hyde Park, White Stone Pond and elsewhere, and indoors at lectures and in debates, including one against the National Front. He wrote occasionally, mainly on Spanish and Latin American affairs, for the Socialist Standard. He was an early member of the William Morris Society and of the old ASTMS trade union. Our condolences go to his wife, children and grandchildren.
                                                              ______________________________

S.C. [Steve Coleman] writes: Eddie Grant personified Oscar Wilde’s ‘soul of man under Socialism’ and served as a model as well as a mentor to many of us who had the patience to learn from him. (Eddie was not given to abridged versions of the case for Socialism – or of anything else.)

Eddie exemplified a boundless humanism: kindly, jocular, literate, cosmopolitan and never dogmatic. He hated what he called ‘narrowness’: that particular sclerosis of the intellect which characterises the true believer who knows because he knows. What made Eddie’s knowledge so remarkable was his capacity to explore the peripheries of his own experience and understanding, searching for reality in global corners too easily overlooked by others. His linguistic ability helped here, but more important was a deep and uncommon cultural sensibility to different ways of living, thinking and working. His knowledge of European and Latin American history and politics was extensive, as was his great appreciation of music, dance, fine art, literature and the theatre.

Given these broad aesthetic enthusiasms, Eddie’s life-long interest in the art and socialism of William Morris is hardly surprising. He was an active member of the William Morris Society and encouraged many others to explore and learn from Morris’s constructive approach to socialism. Indeed, like Morris, there was something about Eddie that was particularly unsuited to the absurdities of the money system; doing a job; possessing a passport; or confronting the anti-social. (I was with Eddie when he was mugged one night on the way home from the Executive Committee; his combination of genuine incomprehension and indignation so frustrated the knife-wielding muggers that in the end they jumped off the train at the next stop in search of a less verbosely recalcitrant victim.) Of course, this was nothing to compare with the legalised robbery against which Eddie fought with no less determination.

Many of us gained from Eddie an inescapable core of socialist consciousness. He gave us a foundation for seeing and making sense of history which could only have been absorbed through personal interaction with someone whose principles and behaviour were in accord. His sensitivity to both the personal and global dimensions of power inequalities led him to develop a sophisticated commitment to socialism as a mode of living as well as a system of production. Until his health finally prevented him from doing so, Eddie pursued this commitment with a vivacity and joviality that none who knew him could forget. His truly awful puns reflected a mind that could not resist mocking the absurdity of the world around him. He enjoyed laughter and refused to believe that politics must be deadly serious. Above all, Eddie inspired his fellow socialists not simply to get what they want from the world, but to want more and better from the world – a world that is poorer for his absence.