Judging by some of the questions asked by the readers of The Socialist Standard, there are still in existence in Britain and elsewhere a number of people who, while quite genuine in their belief in, and desire for, Socialism, are of the opinion that it can best be achieved by working in, and supporting the Labour Parties.
The following brief account of the history of what is known as the "Socialisation Movement," inside the Australian Labour Party in New South Wales, should be of interest to these readers, and should help to dear their minds on this point and to demonstrate beyond doubt the truth of the position put forward by Socialists.
In order to put the facts dearly before those readers not acquainted with Australian conditions, it is first necessary to indicate briefly the history, objects and organisational characteristics of the Australian Labour Party (A.L.P.).
This organisation first came into prominence after the failure of the great Maritime Strike of 1890, and the Shearers' and Miners' Strikes of the following two years. Having failed on the industrial field, the workers of that time determined to seek redress for their grievances by the Parliamentary method—by the capture and use of political power.
The rise of the A.L.P. and the growth of Australian industrial capitalism (as opposed to the great importing and shipping interests) have been simultaneous and synonymous, the one consistent policy of the Labour Party being high protection for home industries. This policy enabled them during the period of capitalist expansion here, to appeal successfully to the people, exploiting Australian patriotic sentiment and using as their chief bait the promise of high tariffs to the rising manufacturers, and high wages and good conditions to the workers.
It should be thoroughly understood that, unlike the Labour Party of Great Britain, the A.L.P. has no so-called Socialist parties affiliated to it, and the movement here described was an integral part of the party itself.
The A.L.P. is composed of branches of the party proper organised upon the usual territorial basis and of members of trade unions affiliated thereto.
The supreme body of the party is the Annual General Conference held yearly every Easter at the Sydney Trades Hall, but is preceded by two so-called provincial conferences at which representatives of the Metropolitan and Country membership meet separately and discuss the matter to be brought before the Easter Conference. Matters passed by these two preliminary meetings are then considered by the Easter Conference and do not become operative unless agreed to there.
The members of the Central Executive, which is supreme between conferences, are elected by ballot of the branches on a basis of district representation and by affiliated unions according to the trade union groups, the executive officers only being elected by Conference itself.
The party had self-governing sections in all States of the Australian Commonwealth loosely unified by a Federal Executive and Conference representative of the various States, but in practice controlled by Parliamentarians. In the Federal Elections in 1929 the Scullin Labour Government was returned to power with an overwhelming majority, and there began the greatest display of Labour Party political imbecility and impotence ever seen.
The Federal Government was divided into two factions, the majority being supporters of Scullin and the Federal Executive, and the minority, the New South Wales representatives, supporting J. T. Lang and the bureaucracy of the Sydney Trades Hall. Faced with a position which no reform could adjust in a manner advantageous to the working class, they failed even to make a determined attempt to apply their own pet solution, reform of the Commonwealth Bank.
The division within the Party became a complete split and the sorry farce was ended when the N.S.W. (Lang) representatives collaborated with the Nationalists (the Australian equivalent of the Conservatives) and defeated the Government.
At the ensuing elections, December, 1931, the Labourites were overwhelmingly defeated and a breach was left between the Labour Party of N.S.W. and those of other States, which still remains.
The So-called Socialisation Movement.
At the Easter Conference of 1930, due to the efforts of a small group of alleged Socialists headed by Mr. W. McNamara, a resolution was passed to appoint a "Socialisation Committee of Seven" to propagate the Socialisation of Industry.
The Committee was appointed and functioned to such purpose that, at the Conference following (Easter, 1931) resolutions were passed altering the objective of the Party to “The Socialisation of Industry; Production, Distribution and Exchange to exact a pledge to “actively support and advocate Socialisation" from Labour Parliamentary and Municipal representatives (honoured throughout, more in the breach than in the observance); gave instruction to form classes “to study the principles of Socialisation," instructed the A.L.P. Executive that there must be intensive Socialisation propaganda at all times (election as well as other times); and finally decided “That the Conference instructs the Executive, Parliamentary representatives, branches, affiliated unions and individual members to exert their energies towards the accomplishment of Socialisation." Of course, although the word socialisation is used, this new movement never properly grasped the Socialist case, or advocated the Socialist remedy.
On April 4th, 1931, in time for the opening of the above Conference, the Committee published the first issue of its monthly organ, The Socialisation Call, which, ably written and conducted, issued an appeal to delegates to support the Committee; published an article by Labour Senator Arthur Rae, which closed as follows: —
“In conclusion, I would urge that the Socialisation of Industry is a work on which we should concentrate all the energies of our movement, and if the remainder of the platform was relegated to the scrap-heap, no one would be a penny the worse."
The same issue reprinted an editorial from the Labour Daily, which, owned co-operatively by the Trade Unions, but actually controlled by J. T. Lang, is regarded as Labour's official mouthpiece. Extracts from the article, which fairly state its purpose, are as follows:—
“As things are when some of these leaders do have occasion to refer to the objective of the Labour movement, it is with a semi-apologetic air implying that this is something for consideration in the sweet bye-and-bye, and that more important matters require attention. This is a fatal mistake . . . Labour through all its ramifications should take up once more the slogan of 'Socialism in our time.' "
The Committee published also a list of over 100 "Socialisation Units" already formed and particulars of many more in process of formation. In order that readers may clearly understand, it is necessary to state exactly what a Socialisation Unit was. Units were formed in connection with any branch of the party and consisted of those favouring the policy of the Socialisation Committee. They held separate meetings, elected their own officers, held their own funds, organised propaganda meetings, lectures, etc., and generally were, practically speaking, free from the control of the Executive, but responsible to the "Socialisation Committee."
Boring from Within.
It will easily be realised by students of the Labour movement that, in face of such a development within the ranks of the “Social Fascists," the Communists could not remain idle or indifferent. Having tried, without success, for many years to obtain entrance to the A.L.P. as an affiliated body, they have, during recent years, attempted, likewise without success, to influence Labour policy through united front contacts inside the movement itself.
The October, 1931, issue of the Socialisation Call, published on its front page two reports on policy; one afterwards commonly known as the Payne report, the other the Central Socialisation Committee's Official Declaration of Policy. The Payne report resulted from the inspired appointment by a meeting of unit delegates of a sub-committee of three, which was instructed to lay down a principle and policy under five heads: (1) Socialisation; (2) Legislative Council; (3) Free Speech; (4) Food Relief, and (5) Soviet Union.
This report, though carefully written, bore in every paragraph the marks of its Sussex Street (Communist Hall) origin. In rejecting this report and putting forward their own unanimous Declaration, the Committee said: —
“The Committee rejects the report, not because of sentiments of flabby pacifism, but because it believes that the same amount of heroic energy and life that would be expended in the logical and extremely doubtful outcome of such a policy to-day, would, if as self-sacrificingly devoted to the less spectacular and dramatic, but more enduring tasks of solid socialisation propaganda and organisation, bring us to within measurable reach of our objective with far more certainty of ultimate success."
The declaration further issued a warning to the then rising New Guard Fascist Movement, and called upon all sections of the movement to assist in achieving its object, "the next great stage of Humanity's Progress through the Age—The Worldwide Fraternity of Socialist Peoples."
Early in 1932 the Committee and its supporters started a Central Labour College, with classes in Economics, Industrial History, etc., which subsequently spread, with varying success, throughout the suburbs and country districts. In its issue of February, 1932, the Socialisation Call published an article by a well-known Victorian Labour journalist, “ Scrutator," which began as follows: —
“I have been invited by the Editor to say a few words on Labour and Education. A few words! I wish I could crystallise all there is to say on this vital, super-important subject into eight or eighty clauses and induce the organisations to accept them, with the Socialist objective, as the whole Labour platform."
The next issue, March-April, 1932, was a special Easter Conference issue, and contained an article by Mr. J. C. Eldridge, former M.H.R. (member of Federal Parliament), which said: —
“The Australian Labour Party is called upon to justify its existence in the terms of its declared objective or declare itself a bogus institution, and, by proving unequal to the demands now being made upon it, enter upon its decline and ultimate dissolution."
During all this time the official Labour Party, as represented by its executive and the bulk of its membership, had been continuing its work as an organisation concerned about reforming capitalism.
In November, 1930, J. T. Lang and fifty-four other representatives of the A.L.P. had been returned to power in the State Parliament of New South Wales. This constituted the largest majority ever held by a Labour Government and replaced the Bavin (Nationalist) regime. The Labour Government then proceeded to carry on capitalism, to reconcile its promises of employment to the workers with the necessities of its position as a party primarily representing Australian capitalism. On May 13th, 1932, Mr. Lang went out of office, dismissed by the Governor on a technical point.
The Nationalist Party formed an interim Cabinet under the premiership of B. S. B. Stevens, former Treasurer in the Bavin Government. The elections for a new Parliament were held on June 11th, 1932.
During the campaign which preceded this election, despite the Conference resolutions referred to above, not one official mention of Socialism or “Socialisation” was made, either in the policy speech of J. T. Lang, in the election propaganda issued by the central campaign committee or in the proposals of individual candidates. The election was fought on a purely reform policy, despite the propaganda of the socialisation section of the movement.
The result of the elections was a decisive defeat for the Labour Party, and a storm of controversy broke out therein, the majority blaming the "Socialises” for the defeat and vice versa. In the May issue of the Socialisation Call, prior to the events just recorded and immediately after the last Conference, the Socialisation Committee had published a scheme for the co-ordination of the existing units by delegates to Electorate Committees, thence to District Group Councils, who were to send delegates to an aggregate delegate meeting held regularly in conjunction with the Central Socialisation Committee. Later it commenced a drive for the formation of Job and Union Units, and formed an Industrial Socialisation Committee to co-ordinate their activities.
So far this is the Labour Party “Socialises’ " dream; but what followed is the inevitable fate of all such attempts once they challenge the real basis of the Party and the interests of its leaders.
These further developments will be dealt with in a second article.
F. F. W.
(Socialist Party of Australia).
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